“3000 BCE Neolithic peoples existence in Igboland. c. CE 850 Bronzes found at the town of Igbo-Ukwu are created, among them iron swords, bronze and copper vases and ornaments, and terracotta sculptures are made.” ref
Estimated geographical frequency distribution of the Y-DNA haplogroup E-M2. Black dots show sampling locations.
“Genetic studies have shown the Igbo to cluster most closely with other Niger-Congo-speaking peoples. The predominant Y-chromosmoal haplogroup is E1b1a1-M2. Haplogroup E-M2 is a human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroup. It is primarily distributed in Sub-Saharan Africa. E-M2 is the predominant subclade in Western Africa, Central Africa, Southern Africa, and the African Great Lakes, and occurs at moderate frequencies in North Africa and Middle East. E-M2 has several subclades, but many of these subhaplogroups are included in either E-L485 or E-U175. E-M2 is especially common in native Africans speaking Niger-Congo languages and was spread to Southern and Eastern Africa through the Bantu expansion.” ref
Totemism and Human–Animal Relations in West Africa
Book Description
“This book explores human-animal relations amongst the Bebelibe of West Africa, with a focus on the establishment of totemic relationships with animals, what these relationships entail and the consequences of abusing them. Employing and developing the concepts of ‘presencing’ and ‘the ontological penumbra’ to shed light on the manner in which people make present and engage in the world around them, including the shadowy spaces that have to be negotiated in order to make sense of the world, the author shows how these concepts account for empathetic and intersubjective encounters with non-human animals. Grounded in rich ethnographic work, Totemism and Human–Animal Relations in West Africa offers a reappraisal of totemism and considers the implications of the ontological turn in understanding human-animal relations. As such, it will appeal to anthropologists, sociologists, and anthrozoologists concerned with human-animal interaction.” ref
African Totems: Cultural Heritage for Sustainable Environmental Conservation
Abstract
“Sustainable development, a development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs, has eluded most developing nations in the world today. The world’s countries inlude the developed and developing nations where most African nations fit into the latter category. Attempts have been made to explain the circumstances under which African countries are striving to develop, but the role of Indigenous Knowledge System (IKS) in the entire process has not been exhaustively explored. Indigenous people have responded to ecological and development challenges by using the cultures and knowledge systems transmitted through their indigenous languages. The aim of this paper was to investigate how totems, as cultural belief systems, have been used in Africa to promote the conservation of natural resources. Qualitative methods (based on literature) were used to explore the values and perceptions that underlie the use of totems. The information was collected by reviewing some literature on African culture and totems from Kenya and South Africa. The literature reviewed concentrated on the cultural symbolism attached to totems among different tribes which were randomly selected from the two countries. Data was analyzed through content analysis and presented thematically. It was found that animal, plant, and insect totems in Kenya and South Africa have symbolic meanings attached to them. The symbolic meanings are usually accompanied by taboos believed to have special spiritual and cultural associations. Due to these cultural associations and taboos, totems are protected against harm by the respective tribes, conserving species diversity, and ecosystem diversity. The study recommends that there is a need to appreciate the cultural values and beliefs that help in sustainable development. Findings of the study could add value to the existing body of knowledge on Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) relating to the management and preservation of indigenous knowledge produced in Africa for sustainable development.” ref
Totemism and Tribes: A Study of the Concept and Practice
Abstract
“Totem, the spirit or sacred object, or symbol or emblem of a group of people, such as family, clan, lineage, or tribe, has special significance in the tribal life. They believe that totemic character, sign, mark, letter, ideogram, or any other identity, etc. serve as a reminder of the ancestry or mythic past of them. It signifies a spiritual, religious, social, and cultural association between a clan or lineage and a bird, animal, or a natural phenomenon. India is the home to large number of indigenous people, who are still untouched by the lifestyle and beliefs. Of the 8.6% of the total population of the country, the diversified tribal groups of tribal of the country are scattered across the country. The tribal people have their own physical, cultural, religious, and spiritual identity. Most of the tribes living in India believe in the concept and practice of totem. The idea, concept, and message that totemism communicates has spiritual connection or kinship with creatures or objects of nature. The totemic belief of the tribal people is not only an integral part of their social-cultural, religious, and spiritual behavior. The objective of this study is to understand and document the significance of totemic belief of the tribal people of India.” ref
Introduction
“According to Webster’s dictionary, totem means “A natural object, usually an animal that serves as a distinctive, often venerated emblem or symbol. It is a means of personal or spiritual identity.” Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary defines Totem as “A natural object or animal that is believed by a particular society to have spiritual significance and that is adopted by it as an emblem.” According to Emile Durkheim, a renowned French sociologist, social psychologist, and philosopher, the word totem is originated from Ojibwe, an Algonquin tribe of Northern America, and it refers to an object of an animal or a plant. Some experts believe that Ojibwa word ototeman, meaning “one’s brother-sister kin” is origin of the word totem. The grammatical root, ote, denotes a blood relationship between brothers and sisters of having the same mother, and marriage between them is not permitted. In kinship and descent, if the apical ancestor of a clan is nonhuman, it is called a totem. Sigmund Freud, known as the father of psychoanalysis, in his collection of essays for the book ‘Totem and Taboo’ analyzes the socio-ethnographic perspective of totem.” ref
“In the essay, ‘The Horror of Incest’ he examines the system Totemism among the Australian Aborigines. It is the prevailing practice among them that prevents against incest. E.A. Hoebel, a renowned professor of Anthropology, defined totem “an object, often an animal or a plant, held in special regard by the members of a social group who feel that there is a peculiar bond of emotional identity between themselves and the Totem”. G. Van Der Leeuw, the Dutch historian and philosopher of religion, summarized the concept and definition of totem as: (a) group bears the name of the totem (b) totem denotes its ancestor (c) totem involves taboos, such as (i) prohibition against killing or eating the totem, except in specific circumstances or under special conditions and (ii) prohibition against intermarriage within the same totem. The belief in tutelary spirits and deities is not restricted to indigenous peoples but prevalent to a several cultures across the world. It is found in Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, and the Arctic region. The spirit or sacred object, or symbol or emblem of a group of people, such as family, clan, lineage, or tribe, is termed as totem. Totems are considered as emblems of tribes that reflect the lineage of a tribe. The totemic character, sign, mark, letter, ideogram, or any other identity, etc. serve as a reminder of the ancestry or mythic past of such groups of people.” ref
“It signifies a spiritual, religious, social and cultural association between a clan or lineage and a bird, animal or a natural phenomenon. Each totem of the tribal clans has distinct identity with regard to their habitat and physiology. Anthropologists classified them into different types such as (1) land animal totem (2) water nimal totem, (3) air animal totem, (4) reptile totem, (5) insect totem, and (6) vegetable or plant totem. In general, the land animal totems includes beaver, otter, bobcat, bear, deer, fox, horse, cow, ram, lion, tiger, panther, wolf, bear etc. and the water animal totems comprise of the dragon, fish, frog, seahorse, turtle, etc. The birds like eagle, crow, bat, hawk, dove, etc. comes under air animal totems. The reptile totems include salamander, chameleon, turtle, etc. The insect totems include firefly, praying mantis, dragonfly, spider, butterfly, etc.” ref
Significance of Totems in Tribal Life
“There is no distinct or universally accepted theory to understand the origin of religion among the tribes across the world. But totemic belief, the concept of taboo, the philosophy of rebirth, and the immortality of soul, in whatever rudimentary forms that existed or prevails, are common in all tribal religions all over the world. The primitive form of religion is observed in Totemism, Mana, Animism, Animation, and taboo belief. Such forms of religion have a dominant influence on tribal populations across the world. They find their origin mainly from objects like animal and plants.” ref
Totem and Spirituality
“The mystical animal from which a tribe relates its origin is its totem. The totem animal is believed to be the beginner of life of the tribe. The tribal people believe that there is some supernatural and mystic relationship among the member of the same totem. The animal totems are believed to be animal spirits by different clans of indigenous people living across the world. They think that totem animals always stay with them for life both in physical and spiritual world. Many tribes believe that an offense against the totems can produce a corresponding decrease in the size of the clan. Totem and Culture All animal totems included as supernatural creatures of mythology and legend in the tribal culture and literature had special meaning, characteristics, and significance. Totems find special significance in dance, drama, motifs, handicraft, artifacts, painting, etc. of the ingredients of performing and visual tribal art.” ref
Totem and Religion
“For every tribe, totem is very sacred. A totem has religious significance in tribal life. Many tribes inscribe the sign or figure of totem on some specific location of their body or on the wall of their home or prayer room. Even the shape or figure of the totem is developed and kept at their sacred places. It is perceived that blessings of the totem animals protect the tribal people in all difficult situations and at all hard times. It warns the members about the any possible danger and predicts about the future.” ref
Totem and Taboo
“They do not kill their totem animal except on special occasion or sacred situation. In certain tribes, the prohibitions or taboos are sometimes cultivated to such an extreme degree that they believe eating, killing, or destroying them may lead to occur unrecoverable loss to the clan. Its skin is worn out during important occasions and used with care. Some tribes take out funerals for the death of their totemic animals as mark of respect for the totem.” ref
Totem and Social behavior
“From a sociological perspective, the totem animals keep the tribal people in bonds of unity and brotherhood. It brings social and community consciousness among the tribal people. They consider that totem protects the clan of the tribe in difficult times. Mourning is observed on the death of the totemic animal. As the members of the same totemic clan consider themselves to be bound by blood relationship and strictly follow the rule of exogamy.” ref
Totem and Tribal Life
“Several tribes across the globe believe that totem animal of a clan guides them in every walk of life. They consider that totemic animals teach and protect them in different situations of life. The life with totemic consideration is essential for most of the indigenous people in the world. Indian Tribes and Totems The area covering, central Indian states of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Eastern Indian states of Odisha and Jharkhand, and west India states of Maharashtra and Rajasthan, has the largest population of tribal people. The study of the totems of the tribes of North, North East, and South India could not be included in the study due highly diversified population of tribes in those areas. The totemic believe among the tribes of the area is a significant part of their spiritual, religious, social, and culture lifestyle. The Birhor, an indigenous group of people lives mainly in Jharkhand, believes that there is a temperamental or physical similarity between the members of the clan and their totems. They are socially organized into patrilineal exogamous totem groups. A list of 37 clans, 12 are based on animals, 10 on plants, 8 on Hindu castes and localities, and the rest on objects, believed to be prevalent among the Birhor tribe. There are tales of the birth and classification of totemic objects among the tribe. Each totem had a fortuitous connection with the birth of the ancestor of the clan.” ref
“The Ho tribe of Jharkhand believes in the totemic significance in every walk of their life. Every Killis, means clans in their language, bears a totemic object that is sacred to them. They have more than 50 Killis that includes Hansda (a wild goose), Bage (tiger), Jamuda (spring) and Tiyu (fox). Every clan of Ho tribe has to undergo rituals of fast to worship its totemic object. One of the largest tribe of central Indian tribe, the Gond believes in social recognition of their population on the basis of clans with totemic animals or plants. Some of them have the clan names after the fauna and flora of their immediate habitat. Similarly, the Oraon and Munda tribes of Jharkhand and Odisha are classified on totemic clans. Out of more than 64 totems, the Munda tribe of Jharkand and Odisha has some popular totemic objects like Sol fish, Nag (serpant), Hassa (goose). Similarly, among the Santhals, there are more than 100 totems. It includes some popular totems like Murmu (a forest based wild cow), Chande (a lizard) and Boyar (a fish). The Bhil tribe of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh believe in more than 25 totemic objects based on clans. Every geographical region is known for trees and animals that grow and inhabit there. The totemic animals of Chota Nagpur region of Jharkhand includes mainly of those animals that are found in the plateau. The totemic clans of the tribes of the region include Toppo (a small bird), Kerketta (the quail), Khalko ( a fish), Ekka (tortoise), Gidhi (the eagle), Tatenga (the lizard) Dhidma (a bird), Karkha (the cow), Tirki (a young mouse), Lakra (the tiger), Kindu (the ‘Saur’ fish), Lapoung (a small bird), Minz ( Eel), Barwa (wild hog), Kachhap ( tortoise), Xaxa (crow), Xess (corn), Bakula (crane), Kokro ( cock), Bando (fox), Tiga (the field mouse), Alia ( the dog), Hartu (the monkey) Rawna (vulture), Orgoda ( the hawk), Godo (name of a water creature), Kuhu (Cuckoo), Kannhar (vulture bird), Baghwar (the tiger), Beshra (a name of tree), Ckigalo (Jackal), Khoya ( jackal), etc. In fact, some castes of Orissa, not considered as tribe and rather have advanced social and cultural lifestyle such as the Kurmi, the Kumhar etc. have totems such as serpent, pumpkin, jackal, etc.” ref
Totem: A Significant Identity
“The study of totem in different levels and aspects suggest that totemic significance of tribal life still prevails among the tribes of India. The classification of a tribal population has spiritual, religious, social, and cultural significance. The method of classification based on totems and prohibitions related to totemic objects make the tribal people disciplined and sincere to their belief. The modern anthropologists look at totemism as a recurring way of conceptualizing relationships between different clans of a tribal group and the natural world. It communicates their love for the nature and efforts to preserve the environment, animals, and birds around them. Other than totemic animals, many Indian tribes consider trees as their totemic spirits. Such strong connections of totemism with nature help to protect the equilibrium of the biodiversity. The idea, concept, and message that totemism communicates has spiritual connection or kinship with creatures or objects of nature, similar to the thought and practice of Animism. In Animism, the central concept is based on the spiritual idea that the universe, and all natural objects within the universe, has souls or spirits. The spiritual perception behind the totemism communicates the strong belief of the tribal people on the existence of souls or spirits that exist not only in humans but also in animals, plants, trees, rocks, and all natural elements. It speaks about the strong boding of the tribes with animal and plants around them. With the changing times, proliferation of the mediums of communication, varied sources of entertainment, and spreading of knowledge, the totemic belief among the new generation of tribal groups is gradually decreasing. Those tribal people, who still stick to the ideological, mystical, emotional, reverential, and genealogical relationships with totemic objects, keep them away from the self-centric modern world. Moreover, the totemic belief is not only an integral part of their social-cultural, religious, and spiritual behavior but also a message of living in coexistence with nature.” ref
African Totemism Expressed
African Totems, Kinship and Conservation
“Rukariro Katsande explores the intricate and fascinating African culture of totems and kinship in relation to conservation… In traditional African culture, kinship is two-pronged and can be established on either bloodline or a totem. Extended family is made up of intricate kinship, with parents, children, uncles, aunts, nieces, nephews, brothers and sisters, all regarding each other as closely related. The word “cousin” does not exist in sub-Saharan languages/dialects, and kinship ends at the nephew and niece level. On a father’s side (which is more important being traditionally a patrilineal society) there is the actual father and big and small fathers, brothers and sisters. On the maternal side are uncles, younger and older mothers, nephews, and nieces. Totems protect against taboos such as incest among like totems. The concept of using totems demonstrated the close relationship between humans, animals, and the lived environment. Anthropologists believe that totem use was a universal phenomenon among early societies. Pre-industrial communities had some form of totem that was associated with spirits, religion, and success of community members. Early documented forms of totems in Europe can be traced to the Roman Empire, where symbols were used as coats of arms, a practice which continues today.” ref
In Africa, chiefs decorated their stools and other court items with their personal totems, or with those of the tribe or of the clans making up the larger community. It was a duty of each community member to protect and defend the totem. This obligation ranged from not harming that animal or plant, to actively feeding, rescuing, or caring for it as needed. African tales are told of how men became heroes for rescuing their totems. This has continued in some African societies, where totems are treasured and preserved for the community’s good. Totems have also been described as a traditional environmental conservation method besides being for kinship. Totemism can lead to environmental protection due to some tribes having multiple totems. For example, over 100 plant and animal species are considered totems among the Batooro (omuziro), Banyoro, and Baganda (omuzilo) tribes in Uganda, a similar number of species are considered totems among tribes in Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic, (CAR). In Zimbabwe, totems (mitupo) have been in use among the Shona groupings since the initial development of their culture. Totems identify the different clans among the Shona that historically made up the dynasties of their ancient civilization. Today, up to 25 different totems can be identified among the Shona ethnic grouping, and similar totems exist among other South African groups, such as the Zulu, the Ndebele, and the Herero in Botswana and Namibia.” ref
“Those who share the same totem regard each other as being related even though they are not blood relatives and will find difficulty in finding approval to marry. Through totem use one can practically establish some form of kinship with anyone else in the region. Establishing relationships this way made it easier for a traveller or stranger to find social support. Totems are also essential to cast a curse. Today, the Uganda Wildlife Education Centre uses a community-based approach for animal protection. Individuals are encouraged to donate funds for feeding animals in the former zoo. Donations are applied to the donor’s totem; such a donation is considered an act of “feeding one’s brother” who is unable to feed himself. By taking their cue from such activities, environmental activists can use knowledge of totems and their cultural significance to revitalize environmental awareness, especially where animal protection laws are weak and unimplemented, and where the community has become detached from the environment.” ref
Kpelle People
“Among the Kpelle people of Liberia there is not only group totemism but also individual totemism. Both kinds of totems are referred to variously as “thing of possession,” “thing of birth,” or “thing of the back of men.” These phrases express the idea that the totem always accompanies, belongs to, and stands behind one as a guide and warner of dangers. The totem also punishes the breach of any taboo. Kpelle totems include animals, plants, and natural phenomena. The kin groups that live in several villages were matrilineal at an earlier time, but during the 20th century they began to exhibit patrilineal tendencies. The group totems, especially the animal totems, are considered as the residence of the ancestors; they are respected and are given offerings. Moreover, a great role is played by individual totems that, in addition to being taboo, are also given offerings. Personal totems that are animals can be transmitted from father to son or from mother to daughter; on the other hand, individual plant totems are assigned at birth or later. The totem also communicates magical powers. It is even believed possible to alter one’s own totem animal; further, it is considered an alter ego. Persons with the same individual totem prefer to be united in communities. The well-known leopard confederation, a secret association, seems to have grown out of such desires. Entirely different groups produce patrilineal taboo communities that are supposedly related by blood; they comprise persons of several tribes. The animals, plants, and actions made taboo by these groups are not considered as totems. In a certain respect, the individual totems in this community seem to be the basis of group totemism.” ref
Kpelle people
“The Kpelle or Guerze lived in North Sudan during the sixteenth-century, before fleeing to other parts of Northwest Africa into what is now Mali. Their flight was due to internal conflicts between the tribes from the crumbling Sudanic empire. Some migrated to Liberia, Mauritania, and Chad. They still maintained their traditional and cultural heritage despite their migration. A handful are still of Kpelle origin in North Sudan. Traditionally organized under several paramount chiefs who serve as mediators for the public, preserve order and settle disputes, the Kpelle are arguably the most rural and conservative of the major ethnic groups in Liberia. The Kpelle people are also referred to as Gberese, Gbese, Gbeze, Gerse, Gerze, Kpelli, Kpese, Kpwele, Ngere, and Nguere.” ref
Origin of the Kpelle
“The Kpelle ethnic group of Liberia is a member of the Niger-Congo ethnic group who migrated from western Sudan. Thus, their language falls in the Mande group of Niger-Congo. Some Liberian historians believe that the Kpelle, like the Loma, Gbandi, Mahn, and Mende ethnic groups, began immigrating from Kumba, present-day Ghana where they were builders of the empire by the early 1500. The Liberia-bound migration took them through the Songhai Empire which replaced the Mali Empire to central Liberia in the early 1600s.” ref
Shona People
“In Zimbabwe, totems (mitupo) have been in use among the Shona people ever since the initial stages of their culture. The Shona use totems to identify the different clans that historically made up the ancient civilizations of the dynasties that ruled over them in the city of Great Zimbabwe, which was once the center of the sprawling Munhumutapa Empire. Clans, which consist of a group of related kinsmen and women who trace their descent from a common founding ancestor, form the core of every Shona chiefdom. Totemic symbols chosen by these clans are primarily associated with animal names. The purposes of a totem are: 1) to guard against incestuous behavior, 2) to reinforce the social identity of the clan, and, 3) to provide praise to someone through recited poetry. In contemporary Shona society there are at least 25 identifiable totems with more than 60 principal names (zvidawo). Every Shona clan is identified by a particular totem (specified by the term mitupo) and principal praise name (chidawo). The principal praise name in this case is used to distinguish people who share the same totem but are from different clans. For example, clans that share the same totem Shumba (lion) will identify their different clansmanship by using a particular praise name like Murambwe, or Nyamuziwa. The foundations of the totems are inspired in rhymes that reference the history of the totem.” ref
“When the term “Shona” was created during the early-19th-century Mfecane (possibly by the Ndebele king Mzilikazi), it was used as a pejorative for non-Nguni people; there was no awareness of a common identity by the tribes and peoples which make up the present-day Shona. The Shona people of the Zimbabwe highlands, however, retained a vivid memory of the ancient kingdom often identified with the Kingdom of Mutapa. The terms “Karanga”, “Kalanga” and “Kalaka”, now the names of discrete groups, seem to have been used for all Shona before the Mfecane. Ethnologue notes that the language of the Bakalanga is mutually intelligible with the main dialects of Karanga and other Bantu languages in central and eastern Africa, but counts them separately. The Kalanga and Karanga are believed to be one clan who built the Mapungubwe, Great Zimbabwe, and Khami, and were assimilated by the Zezuru. Although many Karanga and Kalanga words are interchangeable, Kalanga is different from Zezuru. Dialect groups have many similarities. Although “standard” Shona is spoken throughout Zimbabwe, the dialects help identify a speaker’s town (or village) and ethnic group. Each Shona dialect is specific to a certain ethnic group.” ref
“The religion of Shona people is centred on Mwari (God), also known as Musikavanhu (Creator) or Nyadenga (one who lives high up). God communicates with his people on earth directly or through chosen holy people. At times God uses natural phenomena and the environment to communicate with his people. Some of the chosen people have powers to prophecy, heal, and bless. People can also communicate with God directly through prayer. When someone dies, according to Shona religion, they join the spiritual world. In the spiritual world, they can enjoy their afterlife or become bad spirits. No one ones to be a bad spirit, so during life, people are guided by a culture of unhu so that when they die, they enjoy their afterlife. Colonial white missionaries as well as anthropologists like Gelfand and political colonialists did not interpret this religion in good light because they wanted to undermine it in favor of Christianity. Initially, they said the Shona did not have a God, but this was a lie. They denigrated the way the Shona had communicated with their God, the Shona way of worship, and chosen people among the Shona. They could not distinguish the living and the dead. The chosen people were regarded as unholy and Shona prayer was regarded as pagan. Of course, the agenda was to colonise. When compared with Christianity, the Shona religion perspective of afterlife, holiness, worship and rules of life (unhu) have similar goals, they are only separated by cultures (African versus European) and values (unhu versus western). Although sixty to eighty percent of the Shona people converted to Christians as a result of colonial missionaries, and at times by force, Shona religious beliefs are still very strong.” ref
“Most of the Christian churches and beliefs have been blended with Shona religion. This was done to guard against European and western cultures that dominate Christianity. A small number of the population practice the Muslim faith, often brought about by immigrants from predominantly Malawi who practice Islam. There is also a small population of Jews. An example of a colonially constructed meaning of the Shona religion is found in the works of Gelfand, an anthropologist. Gelfand said the afterlife in Shona religion is not another world (like the Christian heaven and hell) but another form of existence in this world. This is not true. When people die, they join another world, and that world is not on earth, although like in Christianity, some of those people can interact with living beings in different ways. He further wrongly concluded that the Shona attitude towards dead ancestors is very similar to their attitude towards living parents and grandparents. The Bira ceremony, which often lasts all night, summons spirits for guidance and help in the same manner daily, weekly or all night Christian ceremonies summon spirits for guidance and help. In this analysis, Gelfand, and Hannan, both whites, and part of the colonial establishment, forgot that the Christian doctrine treats dead prophets, biblical figures, and living ‘holy people’ in much the same way. In fact in the Christian community, some of the prophets, figures, and ‘holy people’ are revered more than biological parents. In fact, in colonial Zimbabwe, converts were taught to disrespect their families and tribes, because of a promise of a new family and tribe in Christianity. This is ironical.” ref
“In Zimbabwe, (mutupo) (plural mitupo) wrongly called totems by colonial missionaries and athropologists have been used by the Shona people since their culture developed. Mitupo are an elaborate was of identifying clans and sub-clans. They help to avoid incest, and they also build solidarity and identity. There are more than 25 mitupo in Zimbabwe. In marriage, mitupo help create a strong identity for children but it serves another function of ensuring that people marry someone they know. In shona this is explained by the proverb rooranai vematongo which means marry or have a relationship with someone that you know. However, as a result of colonisation, urban areas and migration resulted in people mixing and others having relationships of convenience with people they do not know. This results in unwanted pregnancy and also unwanted babies some of whom are dumbed or abandoned. This may end up with children without mutupo. This phenomena has resulted in numerous challenges for communities but also for the children who lacks part of their identity.” ref
“Villages consist of clustered mud and wattle huts, granaries, and common cattle kraals (pens) and typically accommodate one or more interrelated families. Personal and political relations are largely governed by a kinship system characterized by exogamous clans and localized patrilineages. Descent, succession, and inheritance, with the exception of a few groups in the north that are matrilineal, follow the male line. Chiefdoms, wards, and villages are administered by hereditary leaders. Shona traditional culture, now fast declining, was noted for its excellent ironwork, good pottery, and expert musicianship. There is belief in a creator-god, Mwari, and a concern to propitiate ancestral and other spirits to ensure good health, rain, and success in enterprise.” ref
“The Shona tribe is Zimbabwe’s largest indigenous group, their tribal language is also called Shona (Bantu) and their population is around 9 million. They are found in Zimbabwe, Botswana and southern Mozambique in Southern Africa and bordering South Africa. Representing over 80% of the population, the Shona tribe is culturally the most dominate tribe in Zimbabwe. There are five main Shona language groups: Korekore, Zeseru, Manyika, Ndau, and Karanga. The Ndebele largely absorbed the last of these groups when they moved into western Zimbabwe in the 1830s.” ref
Totemism: A symbolic representation of a clan with specific reference to the Basotho ba Leboa – An ethnographical approach
Abstract
(Northern Sotho people)
“The aim of this article is to share some views about the social significance of totems among the Basotho ba Leboa (Northern Sotho people). As reflected in history, totems are not restricted to any particular continent, but are found throughout the world, including Africa, the Arctic polar region, Australia, Eastern Europe, and Western Europe. To achieve the goal of this article, it will be shown how totemism reflects a connection between animals and human beings regarding power, wisdom, spirits, respect, trust, and understanding. In totemistic beliefs, symbolic representation plays a significant role as the human being seeks to imitate the animal totem’s traits. This shall be demonstrated by demystifying the classification of various animal totems, categorizing them into clans or groups, and evaluating their distinct features or characteristics and their impact on the human being. The fact that totems in the Northern Sotho culture are slowly dying out could perhaps be ascribed to the negative impact that formal education has had on the indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) of the African communities in South Africa. However, IKS is currently gaining popularity and is being incorporated into the formal education system to preserve indigenous knowledge for posterity. In this study, the ethnographic approach was used to collect data.” ref
“The Sotho people, or Basotho, are a Bantu ethnic group of Southern Africa who speak Sesotho. They are native to modern Lesotho and South Africa. The Basotho have inhabited the region since around the fifth century CE and are closely related to other Bantu peoples of the region. Bantu-speaking peoples had settled in what is now South Africa by about 500 CE. Separation from the Tswana is assumed to have taken place by the 14th century. The first historical references to the Basotho date to the 19th century. By that time, a series of Basotho kingdoms covered the southern portion of the plateau (Free State Province and parts of Gauteng). Basotho society was highly decentralized and organized on the basis of kraals, or extended clans, each of which was ruled by a chief. Fiefdoms were united into loose confederations.” ref
Batooro (omuziro), Banyoro and Baganda (omuzilo) tribes in Uganda
“Totems have also been described as a traditional environmental conservation method besides being for kinship. Totemism can lead to environmental protection due to some tribes having multiple totems. For example, over 100 plant and animal species are considered totems among the Batooro (omuziro), Banyoro, and Baganda (omuzilo) tribes in Uganda, a similar number of species are considered totems among tribes in Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic, (CAR).” ref
Toro people (Batooro)
“The Toro people, Tooro people or Batooro are a Bantu ethnic group, native to the Tooro Kingdom, a subnational constitutional monarchy within Uganda.” ref
Banyoro people
“According to historian Wainwright. Kitara is derived from the Bantu prefix Ki– and the Merotic (old Egyptian script) word Tar which means a King, hence Kingdom. The Kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara was a very prestigious, widespread, and a great kingdom at the peak of its power. The region enjoys the rich history spanning over 1000 years. The kingdom of Bunyoro is a remnant from the Empire of Kitara, when it was founded when Kyomya’s Twins, Insigoma Rukidi Mpuuga, and Kato Kimera came to take over power from their Bachwezi Ancestors in the early 14th century. Before that, it is claimed that Kitara, also known by other names, was a successor state to Meroe, Napata, Kush, and Aksum. When the Kingdom of Aksum disintegrated around 940 AD into kingdom of Makuria, the Zagwe kingdom, the Damot kingdom, and the Shewa kingdom in Northeast of Africa, another kingdom broke away in the south to form the Empire of Kitara. Kintu, his wife Kati, brought their cattle and a white cow(kitara). Kintu and Kati had three sons. The first son was called Kairu, the second Kahuma, and the third Kakama. Starting at the later date of the 9 century, as per oral history, three dynasties had ruled over the area, from the time when it was an Empire of Kitara till present-day kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara.” ref
Origin of Bunyoro/Banyoro
“(a) Bahuma or pastoral cow-men were the Original people belived to have invated Kitara, there were mainly cattle keepers and mostly very light skinned and believed to be an off short of the Axum empire of modern day Ethiopia. (c) the Bahera, agricultural people and artisans, who were regarded as serfs and are believed to have came from Kumba saley in the present day Cameroon, also the batwa are believed to be the original inhabitants of the great lakes region before the Bantu and Bahuma. kuhuma is the sound made by a group cattle on the ground while moving in a large numbers. Bahera comes from kuhera meaning to scold, its class system of the agriculturalists. Bahera were agriculturalists who spoke various dialects of the Bantu language. Their heartland was the savannah and rain forest regions around the Niger River of southern West Africa (modern Nigeria, Cameroon, and Gabon), they are belived to have migrated into Kitara in between 200 BCE and 1500 CE before the Kitara was formed. The intermarriage between the Bahuma and the indigenous Bantu lead to Bahima.” ref
Okuhima means to darken.
“The Bachwezi is a clan comprising the Ancestors of Bahuma, Bahima whereas Bahuma, Bahima are just class system, not a clan. Bunyoro was an Empire-Kitara Empire far much beyond a nation with vast borders up to Rwanda, Wanga in Kenya, the entire northern Tanzania and entire eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).” ref
“The Banyoro or Bunyoro live in western Uganda to the east of Albert they inhabit the present districts of Hoima, Masindi, Kibale, Kiryandongo, Buliisa, Kagadi, and Kakumiro. They speak a Bantu language and their origins, like other Bantu can be traced to the Congo region. The Banyoro live in scattered settlements in the populated parts of their country. Traditionally, Banyoro are organized under a King (Omukama).” ref
“In Zimbabwe, totems (mitupo) have been in use among the Shona groupings since the initial development of their culture. Totems identify the different clans among the Shona that historically made up the dynasties of their ancient civilization. Today, up to 25 different totems can be identified among the Shona ethnic grouping, and similar totems exist among other South African groups, such as the Zulu, the Ndebele, and the Herero in Botswana and Namibia.” ref
Zulu people
“Zulu people (/zuːluː/; Zulu: amaZulu) are an Nguni ethnic group in Southern Africa. The Zulu people are the largest ethnic group and nation in South Africa with an estimated 10–12 million people living mainly in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. They originated from Nguni communities who took part in the Bantu migrations. As the clans integrated together, the rulership of Shaka brought success to the Zulu nation due to his perfected military policies. The Zulu people take pride in their ceremonies such as the Umhlanga, or Reed Dance, and their various forms of beadwork. The art and skill of beadwork takes part in the identification of Zulu people and acts as a form of communication. The men and women both serve different purposes in society in order to function as a whole. The Zulu were originally a major clan in what is today Northern KwaZulu-Natal, founded ca. 1709 by Zulu kaMalandela. In the Nguni languages, iZulu means heaven, or weather. At that time, the area was occupied by many large Nguni communities and clans (also called the isizwe people or nation, or were called isibongo, referring to their clan or family name). Nguni communities had migrated down Africa’s east coast over centuries, as part of the Bantu migrations. As the nation began to develop, the rulership of Shaka brought the clans together to build a cohesive identity for the Zulu.” ref
“The language of the Zulu people is “isiZulu”, a Bantu language; more specifically, part of the Nguni subgroup. Zulu is the most widely spoken language in South Africa, where it is an official language. More than half of the South African population are able to understand it, with over 9 million first-language and over 15 million second-language speakers. Many Zulu people also speak Xitsonga, Sesotho and others from among South Africa’s 11 official languages. Traditional Zulu religion includes belief in a creator God (uNkulunkulu) who is above interacting in day-to-day human life, although this belief appears to have originated from efforts by early Christian missionaries to frame the idea of the Christian God in Zulu terms. Traditionally, the more strongly held Zulu belief was in ancestor spirits (amaThongo or amaDlozi), who had the power to intervene in people’s lives, for good or ill. This belief continues to be widespread among the modern Zulu population. Traditionally, the Zulu recognize several elements to be present in a human being: the physical body (inyama yomzimba or umzimba); the breath or life force (umoya womphefumulo or umoya); and the “shadow,” prestige, or personality (isithunzi). Once the umoya leaves the body, the isithunzi may live on as an ancestral spirit (idlozi) only if certain conditions were met in life. Behaving with ubuntu, or showing respect and generosity towards others, enhances one’s moral standing or prestige in the community, one’s isithunzi. By contrast, acting in a negative way towards others can reduce the isithunzi, and it is possible for the isithunzi to fade away completely.” ref
Ngoni people
“The Ngoni people are an ethnic group living in the present-day Southern African countries of Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, and Zambia. The Ngoni trace their origins to the Nguni and Zulu people of kwaZulu-Natal in South Africa. The displacement of the Ngoni people in the great scattering following the Zulu wars had repercussions in social reorganization as far north as Malawi and Zambia.” ref
“Within the Nguni nations, the clan, based on male ancestry, formed the highest social unit. Each clan was led by a chieftain. Influential men tried to achieve independence by creating their own clan. The power of a chieftain often depended on how well he could hold his clan together. From about 1800, the rise of the Zulu clan of the Nguni, and the consequent Mfecane that accompanied the expansion of the Zulus under Shaka, helped to drive a process of an alliance between and consolidation among many of the smaller clans.” ref
“The Nguni religion is typically monotheistic. God is said to care for larger matters whilst the ancestors deal with miner tasks. The ancestors are revered and worshiped. Many are fearful of the wicked unleashed by witchdoctors. ‘Sangomas’ are frequently consulted to help individuals speak to or understand the wishes of ancestors. Nguni people will visit ‘nyangas’ who are herbal doctors although they do tend to opt for western doctors. The Nguni people are well-known for their love of bright colors and personal adornment. In general, they will wear western clothing, breaking out their traditional outfits during celebrations and important events. Animal skins, beads, and other objects are used in outfits. Colored beads in specific patterns act as an unspoken language representing status, clan, home village and are used as love letters.” ref
“The Drakensberg (Afrikaans: Drakensberge, Zulu: uKhahlamba, Sotho: Maluti) is the eastern portion of the Great Escarpment, which encloses the central Southern African plateau. The Great Escarpment reaches its greatest elevation – 2,000 to 3,482 metres (6,562 to 11,424 feet) within the border region of South Africa and Lesotho.” ref
“Southern Ndebele, also known as Transvaal Ndebele or South Ndebele, is an African language belonging to the Nguni group of Bantu languages, spoken by the Ndebele people of South Africa.” ref
Northern Ndebele, also called Ndebele, isiNdebele, Zimbabwean Ndebele or North Ndebele, and formerly known as Matabele, is an African language belonging to the Nguni group of Bantu languages, spoken by the Northern Ndebele people, or Matabele, of Zimbabwe. Northern Ndebele is related to the Zulu language, spoken in South Africa. This is because the Northern Ndebele people of Zimbabwe descend from followers of the Zulu leader Mzilikazi (one of Zulu King Shaka‘s generals), who left the Zulu Kingdom in the early 19th century, during the Mfecane, arriving in present-day Zimbabwe in 1839. Although there are some differences in grammar, lexicon, and intonation between Zulu and Northern Ndebele, the two languages share more than 85% of their lexicon. To prominent Nguni linguists like Anthony Cope and Cyril Nyembezi, Northern Ndebele is a dialect of Zulu. To others like Langa Khumalo, it is a language. Distinguishing between a language and a dialect for language varieties that are very similar is difficult, with the decision often being based not on linguistic but political criteria. Northern Ndebele and Southern Ndebele (or Transvaal Ndebele), which is spoken in South Africa, are separate but related languages with some degree of mutual intelligibility, although the former is more closely related to Zulu. Southern Ndebele, while maintaining its Nguni roots, has been influenced by the Sotho languages.” ref
Ndebele people
“The Southern African Ndebele are an Nguni ethnic group native to South Africa who speak Southern Ndebele, which is distinct from the Zimbabwean Ndebele language. Although sharing the same name, they should not be confused with (Mzilikazi‘s) Northern Ndebele people of modern Zimbabwe, a breakaway from the Zulu nation, with whom they came into contact only after Mfecane. Northern Ndebele people speak the Ndebele language. Mzilikazi’s Khumalo clan (later called the Ndebele) have a different history (see Zimbabwean Ndebele language) and their language is more similar to Zulu and Xhosa. The history of the Ndebele people begin with the Bantu Migrations southwards from the Great Lakes region of East Africa. Bantu speaking peoples moved across the Limpopo river into modern day South Africa and over time assimilated and conquered the indigenous San people in the North Eastern regions of South Africa. At the time of the collapse of the Kingdom of Zimbabwe in 1450, Two main groups had emerged south of the Limpopo River: the Nguni, who occupied the eastern coastal plains, and the Sotho–Tswana, who lived on the interior plateau. Between the 1400s and early 1800s saw these two groups split into smaller distinct cultures and people. The Ndebele were just such a people.” ref
Herero people
“The Herero, also known as Ovaherero, are a Bantu ethnic group inhabiting parts of Southern Africa. The majority reside in Namibia, with the remainder found in Botswana and Angola.[citation needed] There were an estimated 250,000 Herero people in Namibia in 2013. They speak Otjiherero, a Bantu language. Unlike most Bantu, who are primarily subsistence farmers, the Herero are traditionally pastoralists. They make a living tending livestock. Cattle terminology in use among many Bantu pastoralist groups testifies that Bantu herders originally acquired cattle from Cushitic pastoralists inhabiting Eastern Africa. After the Bantu settled in Eastern Africa, some Bantu nations spread south. Linguistic evidence also suggests that the Bantu borrowed the custom of milking cattle from Cushitic peoples; either through direct contact with them or indirectly via Khoisan intermediaries who had acquired both domesticated animals and pastoral techniques from Cushitic migrants. The Herero claim to comprise several sub-divisions, including the Himba, Tjimba (Cimba), Mbanderu, and Kwandu. Groups in Angola include the Mucubal Kuvale, Zemba, Hakawona, Tjavikwa, Tjimba and Himba, who regularly cross the Namibia/Angola border when migrating with their herds. However, the Tjimba, though they speak Herero, are physically distinct indigenous hunter-gatherers. It may be in the Hereros’ interest to portray indigenous peoples as impoverished Herero who do not own livestock.” ref
“The Herero have a bilateral descent system. A person traces their heritage through both their father’s lineage, or oruzo (plural: otuzo), and their mother’s lineage, or eanda (plural: omaanda). In the 1920s, Kurt Falk recorded in the Archiv für Menschenkunde that the Ovahimba retained a “medicine-man” or “wizard” status for homosexual men. He wrote, “When I asked him if he was married, he winked at me slyly and the other natives laughed heartily and declared to me subsequently that he does not love women, but only men. He nonetheless enjoyed no low status in his tribe.” The Holy Fire okuruuo (OtjikaTjamuaha) of the Herero is located at Okahandja. During immigration, the fire was doused and quickly relit. From 1923 to 2011, it was situated at the Red Flag Commando. On Herero Day 2011, a group around Paramount Chief Kuaima Riruako claimed that this fire was facing eastwards for the past 88 years, while it should be facing towards the sunset. They removed it and placed it at an undisclosed location, a move that has stirred controversy among the ovaherero community. Herero people believe in Okuruo (holy fire), which is a link to their ancestors to speak to God and Jesus Christ on their behalf. Modern-day Herero are mostly Christians, primarily Catholic, Lutheran, and Born-again Christian.” ref
“Proto-Bantu-speaking migrations between 3,000 to 2,000 years ago”
“The Bantu expansion was a major series of migrations of the original Proto-Bantu-speaking group, which spread from an original nucleus around West–Central Africa across much of sub-Saharan Africa. In the process, the Proto-Bantu-speaking settlers displaced or absorbed pre-existing hunter-gatherer and pastoralist groups that they encountered. The primary evidence for this expansion is linguistic – a great many of the languages which are spoken across Sub-Equatorial Africa are remarkably similar to each other, suggesting the common cultural origin of their original speakers. The linguistic core of the Bantu languages, which comprise a branch of the Niger–Congo family, was located in the adjoining regions of Cameroon and Nigeria. However, attempts to trace the exact route of the expansion, to correlate it with archaeological evidence and genetic evidence, have not been conclusive; thus although the expansion is widely accepted as having taken place, many aspects of it remain in doubt or are highly contested.” ref
“The expansion is believed to have taken place in at least two waves, between about 3,000 and 2,000 years ago (approximately 1,000 BCE to CE 1). Linguistic analysis suggests that the expansion proceeded in two directions: the first went across or along the Northern border of the Congo forest region (towards East Africa), and the second – and possibly others – went south along the African coast into Gabon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Angola, or inland along the many south-to-north flowing rivers of the Congo River system. The expansion reached South Africa, probably as early as AD 300.” ref
“The Bantu languages (Proto-Bantu: *bantʊ̀) are a large family of languages spoken by the Bantu peoples throughout sub-Saharan Africa. The total number of Bantu languages ranges in the hundreds, depending on the definition of “language” versus “dialect”, and is estimated at between 440 and 680 distinct languages. For Bantuic, Linguasphere (Part 2, Transafrican phylosector, phylozone 99) has 260 outer languages (which are equivalent to languages, inner languages being dialects). McWhorter points out, using a comparison of 16 languages from Bangi-Moi, Bangi-Ntamba, Koyo-Mboshi, Likwala-Sangha, Ngondi-Ngiri, and Northern Mozambiqean, mostly from Guthrie Zone C, that many varieties are mutually intelligible. The total number of Bantu speakers is in the hundreds of millions, estimated around 350 million in the mid-2010s (roughly 30% of the total population of Africa or roughly 5% of world population). Bantu languages are largely spoken southeast of Cameroon, throughout Central Africa, Southeast Africa, and Southern Africa. About one-sixth of the Bantu speakers, and about one-third of Bantu languages, are found in the Democratic Republic of the Congo alone (c. 60 million speakers as of 2015).” ref
See list of Bantu peoples
“The Bantu language with the largest total number of speakers is Swahili; however, the majority of its speakers use it as a second language (L1: c. 16 million, L2: 80 million, as of 2015). Other major Bantu languages include Zulu, with 27 million speakers (15.7 million L2), and Shona, with about 11 million speakers (if Manyika and Ndau are included). Ethnologue separates the largely mutually intelligible Kinyarwanda and Kirundi, which, if grouped together, have 20 million speakers.” ref
“Proto-Bantu is the reconstructed common ancestor of the Bantu languages, a subgroup of the Benue-Congo family. It is thought to have originally been spoken in West/Central Africa in the area of what is now Cameroon. Approximately 3000–4000 years ago, it split off from other Southern Bantoid languages when the Bantu expansion began to the south and east. Two theories have been put forward about the way the languages expanded: one is that the Bantu-speaking people moved first to the Congo region and then a branch split off and moved to East Africa; the other (more likely) is that the two groups split from the beginning, one moving to the Congo region, and the other to East Africa. Like other proto-languages, there is no record of Proto-Bantu. Its words and pronunciation have been reconstructed by linguists. From the common vocabulary which has been reconstructed on the basis of present-day Bantu languages, it appears that agriculture, fishing, and the use of boats were already known to the Bantu people before their expansion began, but iron-working was still unknown. This places the date of the start of the expansion somewhere between 3000 BCE and 800 BCE or around 5,020 to 2,820 years ago. Doubts continue to be raised as to whether Proto-Bantu, as a unified language, actually existed in the time before the Bantu expansion, or whether Proto-Bantu was not a single language but a group of related dialects. One scholar, Roger Blench, writes: “The argument from comparative linguistics which links the highly diverse languages of zone A to a genuine reconstruction is non-existent. Most claimed Proto-Bantu is either confined to particular subgroups, or is widely attested outside Bantu proper.” According to this view, Bantu is a polyphyletic group that combines a number of smaller language families which ultimately belong to the (much larger) Southern Bantoid language family.” ref
“The 250 or so “Narrow Bantu languages” are conventionally divided up into geographic zones first proposed by Malcolm Guthrie (1967–1971). These were assigned letters A–S and divided into decades (groups A10, A20, etc.); individual languages were assigned unit numbers (A11, A12, etc.), and dialects further subdivided (A11a, A11b, etc.). This coding system has become the standard for identifying Bantu languages; it was the only practical way to distinguish many ambiguously named languages before the introduction of ISO 639-3 coding, and it continues to be widely used. Only Guthrie’s Zone S is (sometimes) considered to be a genealogical group. Since Guthrie’s time a Zone J (made of languages formerly classified in groups D and E) has been set up as another possible genealogical group bordering the Great Lakes. The list is first summarized, with links to articles on accepted groups of Bantu languages (bold decade headings). Following that is the complete 1948 list, as updated by Guthrie in 1971 and by J. F. Maho in 2009.” ref
Niger-Congo languages
“The distribution of major Niger–Congo languages and the Bantu subfamily. Niger–Congo is a hypothetical language family spoken over nearly the entirety of Sub-Saharan Africa. It unites the Mande languages (a family with a similar level of diversity as the Indo-European languages), the Atlantic–Congo languages (which share a characteristic noun-class system), and possibly several smaller groups of languages that are difficult to classify. If valid, Niger–Congo would be the world’s largest in terms of member languages, the third-largest in terms of speakers, and Africa’s largest in terms of geographical area. It is generally considered to be the world’s largest language family in terms of the number of distinct languages, just ahead of Austronesian, although this is complicated by the ambiguity about what constitutes a distinct language; the number of named Niger–Congo languages listed by Ethnologue is 1,540. It is the third-largest language family in the world by a number of native speakers, comprising around 700 million people as of 2015. Within Niger–Congo, the Bantu languages alone account for 350 million people (2015), or half the total Niger–Congo speaking population. The most widely spoken Niger–Congo languages by number of native speakers are Yoruba, Igbo, Fula, and Zulu. The most widely spoken by the total number of speakers is Swahili, which is used as a lingua franca in parts of eastern and southeastern Africa. While the ultimate genetic unity of the core of Niger–Congo (called Atlantic–Congo) is widely accepted, the internal cladistic structure is not well established. Other primary branches may include Dogon, Mande, Ijo, Katla and Rashad. The connection of the Mande languages especially has never been demonstrated, and without them, the validity of Niger–Congo family as a whole (as opposed to Atlantic–Congo or a similar subfamily) has not been established. One of the most distinctive characteristics common to Atlantic–Congo languages is the use of a noun-class system, which is essentially a gender system with multiple genders.” ref
“Totemism has to do with the veneration of some natural objects, namely, animals, plants, and other physical objects. Totems are believed to have some spiritual or supernatural powers. In this regard, the mishandling or killing of totemic animals is considered a taboo in most African cultures. Belief in totems is a common practice in the traditional African society. African people have deep sense of reverence for either their personal or group totems. The term totemism has been used to characterize a cluster of traits in the religion and in the social organization of many peoples. Totemism is manifested in various forms and types in different contexts and is most often found among populations whose traditional economies relied on hunting and gathering, mixed farming with hunting and gathering, or emphasized the raising of cattle. Totemism is a complex of varied ideas and ways of behavior based on a worldview drawn from nature. There are ideological, mystical, emotional, reverential, and genealogical relationships of social groups or specific persons with animals or natural objects, the so-called totems. It is necessary to differentiate between group and individual totemism. These forms share some basic characteristics, but they occur with different emphases and in different specific forms. For instance, people generally view the totem as a companion, relative, protector, progenitor, or helper, ascribe to it superhuman powers and abilities, and offer it some combination of respect, veneration, awe, and fear. Most cultures use special names and emblems to refer to the totem, and those it sponsors engage in partial identification with the totem or symbolic assimilation to it. There is usually a prohibition or taboo against killing, eating, or touching the totem. Although totems are often the focus of ritual behavior, it is generally agreed that totemism is not a religion. Totemism can certainly include religious elements in varying degrees, just as it can appear conjoined with magic. Totemism is frequently mixed with different kinds of other beliefs, such as ancestor worship, ideas of the soul, or animism. Such mixtures have historically made the understanding of particular totemistic forms difficult.” ref
Group totemism
“Social or collective totemism is the most widely disseminated form of this belief system. It typically includes one or more of several features, such as the mystic association of animal and plant species, natural phenomena, or created objects with unilineally related groups (lineages, clans, tribes, moieties, phratries) or with local groups and families; the hereditary transmission of the totems (patrilineal or matrilineal); group and personal names that are based either directly or indirectly on the totem; the use of totemistic emblems and symbols; taboos and prohibitions that may apply to the species itself or can be limited to parts of animals and plants (partial taboos instead of partial totems); and a connection with a large number of animals and natural objects (multiplex totems) within which a distinction can be made between principal totems and subsidiary ones (linked totems). Group totems are generally associated or coordinated on the basis of analogies or on the basis of myth or ritual. Just why particular animals or natural things—which sometimes possess no economic worth for the communities concerned—were originally selected as totems is often based on eventful and decisive moments in a people’s past. Folk traditions regarding the nature of totems and the origin of the societies in question are informative, especially with regard to the group’s cultural presuppositions. For example, a group that holds that it is derived directly or indirectly from a given totem may have a tradition in which its progenitor was an animal or plant that could also appear as a human being. In such belief systems, groups of people and species of animals and plants can thus have progenitors in common. In other cases, there are traditions that the human progenitor of a kin group had certain favourable or unfavourable experiences with an animal or natural object and then ordered that his descendants respect the whole species of that animal. Group totemism was traditionally common among peoples in Africa, India, Oceania (especially in Melanesia), North America, and parts of South America. These peoples include, among others, the Australian Aborigines, the African Pygmies, and various Native American peoples—most notably the Northwest Coast Indians (predominantly fishermen), California Indians, and Northeast Indians. Moreover, group totemism is represented in a distinctive form among the Ugrians and west Siberians (hunters and fishermen who also breed reindeer) as well as among tribes of herdsmen in north and Central Asia.” ref
Individual totemism
“Individual totemism is expressed in an intimate relationship of friendship and protection between a person and a particular animal or a natural object (sometimes between a person and a species of animal); the natural object can grant special power to its owner. Frequently connected with individual totemism are definite ideas about the human soul (or souls) and conceptions derived from them, such as the idea of an alter ego and nagualism—from the Spanish form of the Aztec word naualli, “something hidden or veiled”—which means that a kind of simultaneous existence is assumed between an animal or a natural object and a person; i.e., a mutual, close bond of life and fate exists in such a way that in case of the injury, sickness, or death of one partner, the same fate would befall the other member of the relationship. Consequently, such totems became most strongly tabooed; above all, they were connected with family or group leaders, chiefs, medicine men, shamans, and other socially significant persons. Studies of shamanism indicate that individual totemism may have predated group totemism, as a group’s protective spirits were sometimes derived from the totems of specific individuals. To some extent, there also exists a tendency to pass on an individual totem as hereditary or to make taboo the entire species of animal to which the individual totem belongs. Individual totemism is widely disseminated. It is found not only among tribes of hunters and harvesters but also among farmers and herdsmen. Individual totemism is especially emphasized among the Australian Aborigines and the American Indians.” ref
Yukaghir people
Clan and taboo totemism
Totem animal cult was especially strong in the elk cult
“The 13 tribes that once constituted the Yukaghir group are: Vadul-Alais, Odul, Chuvan, Anaoul, Lavren, Olyuben, Omok, Penjin, Khodynts, Khoromoy, Shoromboy, Yandin, and Yandyr. The Vadul are mainly involved in reindeer herding while the Odul (Kogime) are mostly hunter-gatherers. The Vadul are also known as Tundra Yukaghir. The Odul are also known as Taiga Yukaghir or Kolyma Yukaghir. The Yukaghir are one of the oldest peoples in North-Eastern Asia. Originally they lived over a huge territory from Lake Baikal to the Arctic Ocean. By the time of the first encounter with Russians, Yukaghir were divided into twelve tribes with around 9,000 people. The Yukagir ethnonym is Odul or Vadul, which means “mighty”. Tribal divisions among the Yukaghir are fading now, although in every census from 1926, significant number of tribesmen identified themselves with tribal divisions like Anaoul, Odul, and Vadul rather than describing themselves as Yukaghir.” ref
Clan system
“The head of every clan was an elder called a Ligey Shomorokh. His was the final word in all aspects of life. Hunting leaders were Khangitche, and war leaders were Tonbaia Shomorokh (“the mighty man”). Women and teenagers had equal voices with men. The internal life of the community was under the control of the older women. Their decisions in those matters were indisputable. In the beginning of every summer all clans gathered for the Sakhadzibe festival, where mutual Yukaghir questions were discussed. In the Yakut-Sakha Republic there are three nomadic extended family communities. These are Tchaila in Nizhnekolymsky District, Teki Odulok in Verkhnekolymsky District, and Ianugail in Ust-Yansky District. The head of Ianugail is I. I. Tomsky. The community’s main activities are deer hunting and fishing. Tchaila is the biggest of the three. Its head is S. I. Kurilov. They have 4000 domesticated reindeer, 200 horses, and 20 cows. The community also hunts deer and polar foxes. There is also a shop where traditional skin and fur garments are made. The head of Teki Odulok is N. I. Shalugin. Their base is the village of Nelemnoe. This community is in the most difficult situation. Due to the “creative interpretation” of various Perestroika and privatization laws by the local and district administration and so-called businessmen, the community has lost all their reindeer, cows, and even part of its land. All they have left are about 50 horses. They have no money for supplies for hunting and fishing. 80% of all adult population is de facto unemployed. The highest forum for Yukagir is the all-people gathering Suktuul.” ref
“Alongside Russian Orthodox beliefs, Yukaghirs still practice shamanism. The dominant cults are ancestral spirits, the spirits of Fire, Sun (Pugu), Hunting, Earth, and Water, which can act as protectors or as enemies of people. The most important is the cult of Pugu, the Sun, who is the highest judge in all disputes. The spirits of the dead go to a place called Aibidzi. Every clan had a shaman called an alma. After death every alma was treated as a deity, and the body of the dead alma was dismembered and kept by the clan as relics. The Yukaghir still continue traditions stemming from their origins as nomadic reindeer-hunters: they practice dog sacrifice and have an epic poem based around crows. The animal cult was especially strong in the elk cult. There was a number of rituals and taboos connected with elk and deer hunting.” ref
“Religion. The Yukagir were Christianized in the eighteenth century, but some traditional beliefs have been preserved. Shamans were revered even after their death, when their corpses were dismembered, dried, and divided among related families; these relics were used as amulets in divination. The shaman’s costume, tambourine, and other paraphernalia resembled those of the Tungus. There was a cult of exchange or cooperation. Animals obtained through hunting were considered guests. One assumed that if they were honored, they would return to this world and come again as guests. Yukagir legends preserve their ancient world. Giant elk hunters, their true image hidden behind fantastic features, subdue the elk and fasten them to their coats, but eventually are conquered by the more clever Yukagir. In animal tales a major role is played by Raven, not as world maker, but invested with satiric traits. The real culture hero, the cunning hare, kills “the Ancient Old Man,” the foe of the Yukagir. (Related to these myths was the so-called sun shield, a silver or bronze disk attached to the clothing over the shaman’s chest and bearing a representation of a winged centaur against a background of conventional plant motifs).” ref
“Genetically, Yukaghirs have 31% of parental Haplogroup C-M217 (C3), which is dominant among Mongolian and Evenk-Tungusic peoples.” ref
Nivkh or Gilyak people
Clan and taboo totemism
Totem fire and animal cult: Bear worship as a form of ancestor worship
“The Nivkhs are shamanist. The traditional religion was partially based on animist beliefs before the Russians encouraged them to convert to Eastern Orthodox Christianity. They believed that the island of Sakhalin is a giant beast lying on its belly and the hair was the trees of the island. The Nivkhs thought that the Earthquakes meant that the beast was upset, therefore it awoke and trembled. They have a variety of gods the rule over the mountains, rivers, seas, and sky. Today, some of the Nivkhs have transformed their religion to Russian Orthodoxy or other religions; however, there are still many that practice the traditional beliefs. Fire is the symbol of the unity of a clan. It is thought to be a deity of their ancestors, who is protecting them from evil spirits and guarded them from harm. The Nivkhs would ‘feed’ the deities by offering items to them. For example, the sea god would be feed something important so that he would protect the travelers.” ref
“Nivkh clans (khal) were a group of people united by marriage ties, a common derived deity, arranging marriages, and responsible for group dispute resolution. The clan is divided into three exogamous sub-clans. A clan would cooperate with other members on hunts and fishing when away from the village. A Nivkh clan believed they had “one (common) akhmalk or imgi, one fire, one mountain man, one bear, one devil, one tkhusind (ransom, or clan penalty), and one sin. Marriage tended to be exogamic unlike many paleo-Siberian groups. Although within the clan, marriage is endogamic while sub-clans are exogamic. Nivkh marriage customs were very complicated and controlled by the clan. Cross-cousin marriage seems to be the original custom with the clan a latter necessity when the clan was unable to marry individuals without breaking taboo. The Bride price was probably introduced by the Neo-Siberians. The dowry was shared by the clan. The number of men generally exceeded the number of women. It was hard to gain wives, as they were few and expensive. This would lead to the wealthier men having more than one wife and the poor men without.” ref
“Nivkh’s traditional religion was based on animist beliefs, especially via shamanism, before colonial Russians made efforts to convert the population to Eastern Orthodox Christianity. Nivkh animists believe the island of Sakhalin is a giant beast lying on its belly with the trees of the island as its hair. When the beast is upset, it awakens and trembles the earth causing earthquakes. Nivkh have a pantheon of vaguely defined gods (yz, yzng) that presided over the mountains, rivers, seas, and sky. Nivkhs’ have extensive folklore, songs, and mythos of how humans and the universe were created, and of how fantastic heroes, spirits, and beasts battled with each other in ancient times. Some Nivkhs have converted to Russian Orthodoxy or other religions, though many still practice traditional beliefs. Fire is especially venerated. It is the symbol of the unity of the clan. Fire is considered a deity of their ancestors, protecting them from evil spirits and guarding their clan from harm. An open flame would be “fed” a leaf of tobacco, spices, or a tipple of vodka in order to please the spirits for protection. Nivkhs would also frequently offer items to the deities by ‘feeding’. The sea would be “fed” an item of importance in order that the sea god protects the travelers.” ref
Shamanism
“Shamans’ (ch’am) main role was in diagnosing and curing disease for the Nivkh. The rare Shamans typically wore an elaborate coat with a belt often made of metal. Remedies composed of plant and sometimes animal matter were employed to cure sickness. Talismans were used or offered to patients to prevent sickness. Shamans additionally functioned as a conduit to combat and ward off evil spirits that cause death. A shaman’s services usually were compensated with goods, quarters, and food. Nivkh Shamans also presided over the Bear Festival, a traditional holiday celebrated between January and February depending on the clan. Bears were captured and raised in a corral for several years by local women, treating the bear like a child. The bear was considered a sacred earthly manifestation of Nivkh ancestors and the gods in bear form (see Bear worship). During the Festival, the bear would be dressed in a specially made ceremonial costume. It would be offered a banquet to take back to the realm of gods to show benevolence upon the clans. After the banquet, the bear would be sacrificed and eaten in an elaborate religious ceremony. Dogs were often sacrificed as well. The bear’s spirit returned to the gods of the mountain ‘happy’ and would then reward the Nivkh with bountiful forests. The festival typically would be arranged by relatives to honor the death of a kinsman. Generally, the Bear Festival was an inter-clan ceremony where a clan of wife-takers restored ties with a clan of wife-givers upon the broken link of the kinsman’s death. The Bear Festival was suppressed during Soviet occupation through the festival has had a modest revival since the decline of Soviet Union, albeit as a cultural instead of religious ceremony. A very similar ceremony, Iomante, is practiced by the Ainu people of Japan.” ref
“The Nivkh economy was traditionally based on fishing (especially for salmon) and the hunting of sea lions and seals. Agriculture (the cultivation of potatoes) was started in the mid-19th century. Men’s occupations included fishing, hunting, and making tools and means of transportation. Women processed animal skins, prepared birch bark for various uses, made clothing and utensils, gathered plants, did housework, and cared for the dogs. Until recently, when contact with the Evenk introduced the reindeer as a draft animal, dogs were the only domestic animals; they were used for pulling sleds and as a source of fur and meat. They were also a medium of exchange, an index of wealth, and an important part of religious rituals. Villages generally included some 20 houses that were situated along the coast or near the mouths of rivers used by spawning salmon. The Nivkh were divided into exogamous clans. Clan members had mutual duties in payment of blood money, bride-price, and burial expenses; they observed a common cult that included the organization of a clan bear festival, usually held in honor of a dead clan kinsman.” ref
Ainu people
Clan and taboo totemism
Totem fire and animal cult: Bear worship as a form of ancestor worship
“The Ainu are traditionally animists, believing that everything in nature has a kamuy (spirit or god) on the inside. The most important include Kamuy-huci, goddess of the hearth, Kim-un-kamuy, god of bears and mountains, and Repun Kamuy, god of the sea, fishing, and marine animals. Kotan-kar-kamuy is regarded as the creator of the world in the Ainu religion. The Ainu have no priests by profession; instead the village chief performs whatever religious ceremonies are necessary. Ceremonies are confined to making libations of saké, saying prayers, and offering willow sticks with wooden shavings attached to them. These sticks are called inaw (singular) and nusa (plural). They are placed on an altar used to “send back” the spirits of killed animals. Ainu ceremonies for sending back bears are called Iyomante. The Ainu people give thanks to the gods before eating and pray to the deity of fire in time of sickness. They believe that their spirits are immortal, and that their spirits will be rewarded hereafter by ascending to kamuy mosir (Land of the Gods).” ref
“The Ainu are part of a larger collective of indigenous people who practice “arctolatry” or bear worship. The Ainu believe that the bear is very special because they think the bear is Kim-un Kamuy’s way of delivering the gift of the bear’s hide and meat to humans. Since late 2011, the Ainu have cultural exchange and cultural cooperation with the Sámi people of northern Europe. Both the Sámi and the Ainu participate in the organization for Arctic indigenous peoples and the Sámi research office in Lapland (Finland). A village is called a kotan in the Ainu language. Kotan were located in river basins and seashores where food was readily available, particularly in the basins of rivers through which salmon went upstream. A village consisted basically of a paternal clan. The average number of families was four to seven, rarely reaching more than ten.” ref
“Recent research suggests that Ainu culture originated from a merger of the Okhotsk and Satsumon cultures. In 1264, Ainu invaded the land of Nivkh people controlled by the Yuan Dynasty of Mongolia, resulting in battles between Ainu and the Chinese. Active contact between the Wajin (the ethnically Japanese) and the Ainu of Ezochi (now known as Hokkaido) began in the 13th century. The Ainu formed a society of hunter-gatherers, surviving mainly by hunting and fishing. They followed a religion which was based on natural phenomena. The Ainu or the Aynu (Ainu アィヌ Aynu; Japanese: アイヌ Ainu; Russian: Айны Ajny), in the historical Japanese texts Ezo/Emishi/Ebisu (蝦夷) or Ainu (アイヌ), are an indigenous people of Japan (Hokkaido, and formerly northeastern Honshu) and Russia (Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands and formerly the Kamchatka Peninsula).” ref
“The Okhotsk culture is an archeological coastal fishing and hunter-gatherer culture of the lands surrounding the Sea of Okhotsk (600–1000 CE in Hokkaido, –1500 or 1600 CE in the Kurils): the Amur River basin, Sakhalin, northern Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands, and Kamchatka. It appears to have spread outwards from the Amur River region, only to be partially absorbed or pushed back by the Satsumon culture spreading north from Japan, but nevertheless surviving, for example, in the Nivkh of Sakhalin and the Amur and in Itelmen of Kamchatka. The historical Ainu people appear to have retained a strong element of the Okhotsk, but the Satsumon culture, and perhaps language, appears to have dominated the mix of people who contemporaneously became known as the Ainu. Fundamental Okhotsk elements remained, however, such as the bear cult.” ref
“The Satsumon culture (擦文文化 Satsumon Bunka?) is a post-Jōmon, partially agricultural, archeological culture of northern Honshu and southern Hokkaido (700–1200 CE) that has been identified as the Emishi, as a Japanese-Emishi mixed culture, as the incipient modern Ainu, or with all three synonymously. It may have arisen as a merger of the Yayoi–Kofun and the Jōmon cultures. The Satsumon culture appears to have spread from northern Honshu into Hokkaido, Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, and southern Kamchatka, merging with or displacing the Okhotsk culture in those areas.” ref
AINU RELIGION
“The Ainu are a people whose traditional homeland lay in Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, and the Kurile islands, although their territory once included southern Kamchatka and the northern part of the main Japanese island (Honshu). Scholarly controversies over their cultural, racial, and linguistic identities remain unresolved. Their hunting-gathering way of life was discontinued with the encroachment of the Russians and the Japanese during the latter half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century. Generalizations about Ainu culture or religion are dangerous to make, since not only are there a great many intracultural variations among the Ainu of each region, but differences occur within each group as well. Because the following description is aimed, as much as possible, at the common denominators, it may not fit in to the religion of a particular Ainu group.” ref
“An important concept in the Ainu belief system is the soul. Most beings in the Ainu universe have a soul, and its presence is most conspicuous when it leaves the body of the owner. When one dreams, one’s soul frees itself from the sleeping body and travels to places where one has never been. Similarly, a deceased person appears in one’s dreams, since the soul of the deceased can travel from the world of the dead to visit one. During shamanistic performances the shaman’s soul travels to the world of the dead in order to snatch back the soul of a dead person, thereby reviving him or her. This belief underlies the Ainu emphasis on the proper treatment of the dead body of human beings and all other soul-owners of the universe. The belief results in elaborate funeral customs, which range from the bear ceremony to the careful treatment of fish bones (because they represent the dead body of a fish). Without proper treatment of the dead body, its soul cannot rest in peace in the world of the dead. For this reason, illnesses serve to remind the Ainu of their misconduct. (Taboo Totemism) Shamans are consulted in order to obtain diagnosis and treatment for these illnesses.” ref
“When a soul has been mistreated, it exercises the power to punish. The deities, in contrast, possess the power to punish or reward the Ainu at will. Interpretations among scholars as to the identity of the deities range from those proposing that nature be equated with the deities, to those finding that only certain members of the universe are deified. The differences in opinion originate in part from the Ainu’s extensive use of the term kamuy, their word for “deity” or “deities.” An important point in regard to the Ainu concept of deities is Chiri Mashio’s interpretation that the Ainu consider all the animal deities to be exactly like humans in appearance and to live just like humans in their own country. The animal deities disguise themselves when visiting the Ainu world in order to bring meat and fur as presents to the Ainu, just as Ainu guests always bring gifts. In this view, then, the bear, which is generally considered the supreme deity, is but the mountain deity in disguise.” ref Animal totems
“Besides the bears, the important deities or kamuy include foxes, owls (which are considered to be the deity of the settlement), seals, and a number of other sea and land animals and birds. The importance of each varies from region to region. In addition, the Ainu pantheon includes the fire goddess (Iresu-Huchi), the goddess of the sun and moon (in some regions they are separate deities), the dragon deity in the sky, the deity of the house, the deity of the nusa (the altar with inaw ritual sticks), the deity of the woods, and the deity of water. Evil spirits and demons, called variously oyasi or wen-kamuy (“evil deity”), constitute another group of beings in the universe who are more powerful than humans. They may exercise their destructive power by causing misfortunes such as epidemics. (The smallpox deity is an example.) While some of them have always been demons, others are beings that have turned into demons. When a soul is mistreated after the death of its owner, for example, it becomes a demon. The Ainu pay a great deal of attention to evil spirits and demons by observing religious rules and performing exorcism rites. A major theme in the Ainu epic poems treats human combat with demons. Characteristically, the deities never directly deal with the demons; rather, they extend their aid to the Ainu, if the latter behave properly.” ref Taboo
“Of all the rituals of the Ainu, the bear ceremony is by far the most elaborate. It is the only ceremony of the Ainu that occurs in all regions and that formally involves not only all the members of the settlement but those from numerous other settlements as well, thereby facilitating the flow of people and their communication among different settlements. The bear ceremony provides a significant opportunity for male elders to display their wealth, symbolizing their political power, to those from other settlements. Most importantly, from the perspective of the Ainu, the bear ceremony is a funeral ritual for the bear. Its purpose is to send the soul of the bear through a proper ritual so that the soul will be reborn as a bear and will revisit the Ainu with gifts of meat and fur. The entire process of the bear ceremony takes at least two years and consists of three stages. The hunters capture and raise a bear cub. In the major ceremony, the bear is ritually killed and its soul is sent back to the mountains. Among the Sakhalin Ainu a secondary ceremony follows the major ceremony after several months. A bear cub, captured alive either while still in a den or while ambling with its mother upon emerging from the den, is usually raised by the Ainu for about a year and a half. At times women nurse these newborn cubs. Although the time of the ceremony differs according to the region, it is most often held in the beginning of the cold season; for the Sakhalin Ainu, it takes place just before they move from their coastal settlement to their inland settlement for the cold season.” ref
“The ceremony combines deeply religious elements with the merriment of eating, drinking, and dancing. All the participants don their finest clothing and adornments. Prayers are offered to the fire goddess and the deity of the house, but the major focus of the ceremony is on the deity of the mountains, who is believed to have sent the bear as a gift to the humans. After the bear is taken out of the “bear house,” situated southwest of the host’s house, the bear is killed by the Sakhalin Ainu with two pointed arrows. The Hokkaido Ainu use blunt arrows before they fatally shoot the bear with pointed arrows; then they strangle the already dead or dying bear between two logs. Male elders skin and dress the bear, which is then placed in front of the sacred altar where treasures are hung. Ainu treasures consist primarily of trade goods from the Japanese, such as swords and lacquerware. These are considered offerings to the deities and function as status symbols for the owner. After preliminary feasting outside at the altar, the Ainu bring the dissected bear into the host’s house through the sacred window and continue their feast. Among the Hokkaido Ainu, the ceremony ends when the head of the bear is placed at the altar on a pole decorated with inaw. The elder bids a farewell prayer while shooting an arrow toward the eastern sky—an act signifying the safe departure of the deity. The Sakhalin Ainu bring the bear skull stuffed with ritual shavings, bones, eyes, and the penis, if the bear was male, to a sacred bone pile in the mountains. They also sacrifice two carefully chosen dogs, which they consider to be servant-messengers of the bear deities. Although often mistaken as a cruel act by outsiders, the bear ceremony is a ritual whereby the Ainu express their utmost respect for their deity.” ref
“Although the bear ceremony is distinctly a male ceremony, in that the officiants are male elders and the women must leave the scene when the bear is shot and skinned, shamanism is not an exclusively male vocation. Sakhalin Ainu shamanism differs considerably from that of the Hokkaido Ainu. Among the former, cultural valuation of shamanism is high; well-regarded members of the society, both men and women, may become shamans. Although shamans sometimes perform rites for divinations of various sorts and for miracle performances, by far the great majority of rites are performed for diagnosis and cure of illnesses. When shamans are possessed by spirits, they enter a trance state, and the spirit speaks through their mouths, providing the client with necessary information, such as the diagnosis and cure of the illness or the location of a missing object. Among the Hokkaido Ainu, whose shamanistic practice is not well recorded, shamans are usually women, who collectively have lower social status than men, although some male shamans are reported to have existed. The Hokkaido Ainu shaman also enters a possession trance, but she does so only if a male elder induces it in her by offering prayers to the deities. Although she too diagnoses illnesses, her function is confined to diagnosis, after which male elders take over and engage in the healing process. Male elders must, however, consult a shaman before they make important decisions for the community.” ref
“While Ainu religion is expressed in rituals as well as in such daily routines as the disposal of fish bones, nowhere is it more articulated than in their highly developed oral tradition, which is both a primary source of knowledge about the deities and a guideline for the Ainu conducts. There are at least twenty-seven native genres of oral tradition, each having a label in Ainu. They may be classified into two types: verses, either epic or lyric, sung or chanted; and prose that is narrated. While the prose in some genres is recited in the third person, the more common genre is first person narrative, in which a protagonist tells his own story through the mouth of the narrator-singer. The mythic and heroic epics are very complex and lengthy; some heroic epics have as many as fifteen thousand verses. While the mythic epics relate the activities of deities, the heroic epics concern the culture hero, sometimes called Aynu Rakkuru, who, with the aid of the deities, fought against demons to save the Ainu, thereby becoming the founder of Ainu people. Among the Hokkaido Ainu, the culture hero descended from the world of the deities in the sky and taught the Ainu their way of life, including fishing and hunting, and the rituals and rules governing human society. His marriage, told in various versions, is another prominent theme in the epics. Some scholars interpret the battles fought by the culture hero as being the battles that the Ainu fought against invading peoples.” ref
Prayer to Kamuy – Religion
“According to Ainu religion, spirits reside in all natural objects. Ainu regarded natural phenomena that are useful to human beings, including flora and fauna, as well as daily life necessities such as fire, water, living implements, and forces beyond human control like the weather, as kamuy, and paid homage to them.” ref
Outline of Ainu religion
“Ainu religion is based on the concept that this world is founded on interactions between humans and kamuy. This belief allowed earlier people who lived in a deep relation with nature, to obtain the things they need for their lives, and to acquire knowledge and skills to utilize those things, which served as measures against natural calamities and diseases. The Ainu word kamuy is often translated into “Kami (gods)” or “Hotoke (spirits)” in Japanese. Indeed, the word kamuy may have some resemblance to the Japanese “Kami” or “Hotoke,” but the word doesn’t completely correspond to the translation. Therefore, the Ainu word kamuy is used in the following sections. Today, as in Japanese society at large, the Ainu live their lives according to various religious beliefs. With the recent movement to restore and preserve the Ainu culture, however, interest in Ainu spiritual culture has increased. In recent years, Ainu beliefs and rituals have been taught in various places. Some traditional rituals have been restored, and some have been created newly. This section highlights the traditions as understood by people born and raised between the Meiji era and the early Showa era. Ainu beliefs do not rely on any specific creeds or scriptures like the Christian Bible or the Buddhist Lotus Sutra (Hoke-kyo). In many regions, the manner in which rituals are conducted and awareness of kamuy are similar, but there are also variations to these understandings between some regions and individuals. As seen with the traditional cultures of many other peoples too, Ainu consider it sacrilegious to talk about religion, or to listen to someone talk about it. Certain behaviors are prohibited, depending on the person’s age, gender, and status.” ref
Various kinds of kamuy
“Ideas of kamuy vary with regions and individuals. It has been commonly said that kamuy are fire, water, sun, moon, flora, and fauna. Some kamuy are thought to cause diseases, earthquakes, thunder, and other natural phenomena. In addition to these naturally occurring kamuy, man-made implements – boats, hearth hooks, mortar, and mallets – are also believed to be kamuy.” ref
Kamuy who are beneficial to humans
“What do kamuy mean to human beings? It is believed that some kamuy provide humans with daily necessities and provide conveniences. Animals provide meat for food and fur for clothing. Plants serve as food and medicines, and are used to make tools and fabric. In this way, some kamuy provide humans with daily necessities and conveniences. Some kamuy protect humans, so that they can live in safety. Other kamuy offer assistance beyond human ability. The kamuy of fire is deemed important and common. Fire provides humans with warmth and light, allows humans to cook raw ingredients, and listens to humans’ appeals and wishes that have to be conveyed to other kamuy. In case their prayers are not sufficient to convey what they mean, kamuy play a role in covering the insufficiency. The Blakiston’s fish owl is viewed as a kamuy whose role is to watch villages, and it is highly considered by the Ainu people. Some kamuy of plants have the power to keep evil spirits away.” ref
Kamuy with evil spirits
“Ainu believe that there are not only good kamuy who bring blessings to humans, but that there are also evil kamuy with bad powers whom humans cannot match coming to the human world. The purpose of the Smallpox-causing kamuy coming to human villages is to spread the deadly disease, and until the mission has been fulfilled, the kamuy never go back to their world. What is more, humans must treat destructive storms and thunder as kamuy with veneration.” ref
Sending kamuy back to their world
“When their missions in the human world have been completed, kamuy return to their world where their families and friends wait. At that time, humans pray for beneficial kamuy to visit again and send them back to their world by addressing gratitude and offerings such as a sacred shaved stick, home-brewed liquor, dumplings and dried salmon, all of which are supposed to delight kamuy. The kamuy that have received a prayer of gratitude then tell their families about the hospitality offered by humans. By doing so, other kamuy, as well as the said kamuy, supposedly wish to visit the human world where humans courteously worship them as kamuy. In this way, the kamuy, after they have been courteously sent back to the world to which they originally belonged, become an even more venerable existence, commanding respect from their fellows. It is true that obtaining meat and fur from wild animals deprives them of their lives, but such deeds were also regarded as deeds that liberate the spirit of kamuy from the carcass. In other words, after gaining the carcass, humans send the spirit of kamuy back to their world.” ref
Praying to kamuy
“Whenever the Ainu wish to convey something to kamuy, such as requests or thanks, they pray. These prayers are offered in various forms from slight requests to prayers for the safety of the community as a whole. Some prayers are offered during regular daily life and some are prayed on special occasions, such as the building of a boat or a house, while others are prayed in particular seasons, such as prayers asking for big fish catches and prayers offered as a token of gratitude. Ainu use various utensils when praying to kamuy. One such utensil is a sacred stick, which is made of willow or giant dogwood tree. The stripped surface of these trees is shaved with a knife and decorated with bunches of shavings. The sticks, varying in shape, are used for various purposes – as an offering to kamuy, as a tool to exorcize evil spirits, or as a symbol of kamuy to protect their houses. A carved spatula-like stick was created to offer liquor to ancestors and kamuy. The tip of the spatula is dipped in liquor, and drops on the spatula are sprinkled on the fire kamuy and sacred sticks. A lacquer bowl used to offer liquor to kamuy, was different from the bowls used during meals.” ref
Rituals for sending bear kamuy back to their world
“Ainu hunters returned the soul of captured bear kamuy to their world, right there on the spot where they were hunted, or the whole Ainu community sent the killed bear spirit back to its world at the village. When an adult bear captured during hibernation in early spring had a cub in its den, the cub was captured alive, and raised at the village for about two years before sending it to the kamuy world. People in the village carefully nurture the cub and send it back to the kamuy world with many offerings in the hope that the bear kamuy would thank the people for their hospitality and visit the human world again. This rite is regarded as one of the particularly important kamuy spirit-sending ceremonies. Many people are invited from neighboring villages to celebrate it. Some account of this ritual is sometimes depicted as follows: the ritual is performed to kill bears as a scapegoat that is offered to something, but this is not how the Ainu view the ritual at all.” ref
Ritual for welcoming salmon
“Before the fishing season for salmon starts, Ainu pray for a big catch and at the end of the season they offer their gratitude for the catch.” ref
Prayer to ward off epidemic kamuy
“When an epidemic is likely to spread or has gone rampant, the Ainu pray (prayed) that the epidemic kamuy would stay away by putting herbs with a strong odor at the front door and windows, or in the garden.” ref
Rituals for ancestors
“The Ainu prayed to the fire kamuy to deliver offerings to the posthumous world where their ancestors live. Crushed or broken snacks and fruit are offered, and torn tobacco is scattered. At such a time, if the names of the ancestors are not actually spoken, the offerings may apparently not be sent to them.” ref
Aeta or Agta people
taboo totemism
Indigenous monotheistic religion
“There are different views on the dominant character of the Aeta religion. Those who believe they are monotheistic argue that various Aeta tribes believe in a supreme being who rules over lesser spirits or deities, with the Aeta of Mt. Pinatubo worshipping “Apo Na“. The Aetas are also animists. For example, the Pinatubo Aeta believe in environmental spirits. They believe that good and evil spirits inhabit the environment, such as the spirits of the river, sea, sky, mountain, hill, valley, and other places. No special occasion is needed for the Aeta to pray, but there is a clear link between prayer and economic activities. The Aeta dance before and after a pig hunt. The night before Aeta women gather shellfish, they perform a dance which is partly an apology to the fish and partly a charm to ensure the catch. Similarly, the men hold a bee dance before and after the expeditions for honey.” ref
Indigenous polytheistic religion
“There are four manifestations of the “great creator” who rules the world: Tigbalog is the source of life and action; Lueve takes care of production and growth; Amas moves people to pity, love, unity, and peace of heart; while Binangewan is responsible for change, sickness, and death.” ref
· Gutugutumakkan – The Supreme Being and Great Creator who have four manifestations, namely, Tigbalog, Lueve, Amas, and Binangewan.
· Kedes – The god of the hunt.
· Pawi – The god of the forest.
· Sedsed – The god of the sea.
Only men make armlets. (Taboo Totemism)
“If the illness persists even after continuous drinking of recommended herbal medicine, that’s when they seek the help of an herbolario (or soothsayer). They do so because the Aeta believe that their illnesses are caused by a spirit that they may have offended, in which case herbal medicines or medical doctors won’t be able to address. In order to appease the spirits, they ask the herbolario to perform a ritual called ud- udung. In this ritual, the herbolario places rice or raw eggs on the patient’s forehead first to determine what causes the illness and repeats this several times to confirm. After the herbolario is satisfied, the patient will be asked to bathe with ricewash, and then to offer food to appease the offended spirit.” ref (Taboo Totemism)
Religious Beliefs.
“The Agta are animists, although some of their beliefs have been modified by Roman Catholicism and, more recently, by Protestant missionaries. In contrast to most traditional animists, however, the Agta do not take their religion very seriously. There is a lack of systematic beliefs in their religion, and it takes a secondary place in their ideology, exerting less control over their daily lives than is usual among tribal peoples. Agta hold to a strong belief in a spirit world containing many classes of supernatural beings. Depending on the class of spirit, these beings are said to reside in trees, underground, on rocky headlands, or in caves. There are two general classes of these beings: hayup (creature) and belet or anito (ghost). The latter are always malignant. Ghosts are wandering disembodied souls of deceased humans. The ghosts of recently deceased adult relatives are especially feared, as they are prone to return to the abode of their family during the night, causing sickness and death. There are several types of hayup. These nonhumans are bipedal, and may appear in human form. Agta view these as having some influence over processes of nature, health, and the economic success or failure of humans. Most hayup are malignant, others are neutral, and a few can be called upon for help in curing disease.” ref
Religious Practitioners.
“In northern Aurora, 8 percent of the Casiguran Agta adults are shamans, of whom one in five is a woman. These religious practitioners do only white magic. A shaman ( bunogen ) is defined by the Agta as an individual who has a familiar spirit “friend” ( bunog ) who aids him or her in diagnosing and treating disease. The primary role of shamans is curing. They do not practice sorcery.” ref
Ceremonies.
“Shamans may treat their patients with herbal medicines and simple prayers to their spirit “friends.” For difficult cases, they may conduct a séance. In such cases, shamans will enter into a trance state, chanting prayers over the patient until they are possessed by their familiar spirits. These chants are sung in a form of glossolalia, not in the normal Agta language. They do not have a sacrificial system, as do other Philippine animistic societies, but they do sometimes offer small gifts to the hayup spirits if they are taking something from the forest. These gifts may consist of a few grains of rice, a few drops of honey, or a piece of thread from a man’s G-string. In some areas, when a new garden is cleared, a shaman may set up a small table with spirit offerings of betel quid and food. Herbal medicinal treatments, séances, and simple sacrifices are the only religious ceremonies.” ref
Arts.
“Agta women weave baskets and sleeping mats, and men make many types of fine arrow. Permanent body decorations consist of designed scarring on the back (and sometimes the chest) and teeth filing. Their traditional music consists of singing solos, using a three-tone scale, and the use of three types of simple musical instruments: a simple stringed instrument, a bamboo Jew’s harp, and hunting bows, which they sometimes strum. They have no custom of dancing.” ref
Death and Afterlife.
“Agta have only a vague and casual interest in the afterlife, the realm of the dead, immortality, or the future; nor do they seek religious experiences. They do have a great fear of death, and it is the fear of sickness and death that activates Agta religious behavior.” ref
Agta Religion
“The Agta, or Dumagat, of northeastern Luzon are typical of the least acculturated Philippine Negrito societies. They show little inclination to adapt to the dominant Roman Catholic religion of their peasant Filipino neighbors. The Agta believe in a single high god and in a large number of supernatural spirit beings that inhabit their surrounding natural environment. Depending on the class of spirit, these various beings live in trees, underground, on rocky headlands, or in caves. There are two general classes of spirit beings in the Agta worldview: hayup (“creature”) and bélet or anito (“ghost”). The latter are always malignant. Ghosts are wandering disembodied souls of deceased humans. The ghosts of recently deceased adult relatives are especially feared, as they are prone to return to the abode of their family during the night, causing sickness and death. There are several varieties of hayup creatures. Although these are nonhuman, they are bipedal and may appear in human form. Most varieties of hayup beings are malignant; others are neutral, and a few can be called upon for help in curing disease.” ref
Agta Shamans
“In Aurora province, 8 percent of Agta adults are shamans, of whom two out of ten are women. They practice only white magic. A shaman (bunogen ) is defined by the Agta as an individual who has a familiar spirit “friend” (bunog ) who aids him or her in diagnosing and treating disease. The primary role of shamans is curing. They do not practice black magic. (Agta do not practice sorcery, although they are aware of the custom among other Filipino societies.) Shamans may treat their patients with herbal medicines and simple prayers to their spirit “friends.” For difficult cases, they may conduct a séance. In such cases, shamans will enter into a trance state, chanting prayers over the patient until they are possessed by their familiar spirits. These chants are not in the normal Agta language but are sung in a form of glossolalia.” ref
“It would be incorrect to say that Agta worship the spirits in their environment. Rather, they fear them, and placate them. The Agta do not have a sacrifical system as do other Philippine tribal groups, but they do occasionally offer small gifts to the hayup spirits if they are taking something from the forest. These gifts may consist of a few grains of rice, a few ounces of honey, or just a piece of thread from a man’s G-string. In some areas, when a new garden is cleared a shaman may set up a small table with spirit offerings of betel quid or food. Agta religious practices are done haphazardly, when it is convenient, and usually on an individual basis. Most such practices revolve around the prevention or treatment of illness. Agta have only a vague interest in the afterlife, the realm of the dead, creation of the world, immortality, or the future. They do not seek religious experiences. Rather, it is the chronic fear of sickness and death that activates Agta religious behavior. While it would be wrong to say that religion is unimportant to the Agta, it does play a lesser role in their culture than it does in other animistic groups.” ref
Andamanese peoples
(Taboo Totemism)
“Religious Beliefs. The basic belief system of the Andamanese may be characterized as animistic. All living things are believed to be endowed with power that affects human beings. The universe is a multilayered structure, a configuration of various places through which spirits and the smell, and the breath of humans, animals, and plants move. Restriction of movement is regarded as a major threat to the order of nature, since each place within space is associated with a distinct type of spirit that permits or restricts the movements of all living things. Formless, boneless, and smell-absorbing spirits live in different parts of the forest and the sea and may be divided into two main categories: those associated with natural phenomena and those of the dead. Natural phenomena, such as earthquakes, thunder, rainbows, waterspouts in the sea, and storms, mark the arrival at and departure from the islands of the spirits associated with the winds coming from different Directions. The second significant category of spirits, those of the dead, may be further subdivided into benevolent and malevolent spirits. When a person dies his body undergoes a sequence of burial rites; a secondary burial rite transforms a dead person’s spirit into a benevolent spirit who helps the living. Persons who die and do not receive the appropriate burial rites become a class of malevolent spirits who cause harm. The Andamanese, and specifically the Ongees, share an identity and space with the spirits; that is, spirits are formed from dead Andamanese, and both spirits and the living compete in hunting and gathering the same resources on the islands.” ref
“Religious Practitioners. The only distinguishable practitioner is the spirit communicator who communicates with ancestral spirits while dreaming or being in a state of unconsciousness. Frequent contact with spirits endows the okojumu or okopaid (medicine man) with supernatural powers. Among the Ongees such a specialist is called torale and he or she is consulted by the community to locate resources, cure the sick, and plan the group’s routine and ceremonial activities. Ongees believe that anyone can become a torale, but only an apprenticeship under an experienced torale provides one with the skill to navigate to and from the spirit world.” ref
“Ceremonies. Major ceremonies are held for the initiation of young men and women and at the time of death. There is a continuity between these ceremonies: initiation completes the child, who is closer in identity to the spirits prior to initiation, and makes him a full human being; the funerary ceremonies transform the human being into a full spirit. Singing, dancing, and feasts form an integral part of these occasions and other rites of passage. These ceremonies entail certain food restrictions and prescriptions for the participating individual and his or her family. Ceremonial singing and dancing frequently accompany changes in residence, from forest to sea or sea to forest, and the change of seasons. The launching of a new canoe is also marked by ceremonies.” ref
“Medicine. The Andamanese believe that the body gets sick when it becomes either too hot or too cold. Extremes in body temperature result in the release (hot) or solidification (cold) of body fluids and smell. The spirit communicator diagnoses the illness and usually attributes it to spirits. Depending upon the diagnosis, an illness is cured through the application of clay paints, mixed with other substances, in conjunction with the body either being tied with a cord around the affected part or being cut to make it bleed. Massage is also used to cure. As a preventive medicine, the Andamanese wear amulets made out of the bones of dead relatives that are believed to ward off any malevolent spirit who may cause sickness.” ref
“Death and Afterlife. When a person dies his “body internal” is believed to escape into either the forest or the sea. Thus a dead coastal dweller becomes a spirit of the sea ( jurua ) and a dead forest dweller becomes a spirit in the forest ( lau ). Those who die in accidents or those whose dead body did not receive the appropriate ceremonial burial become malevolent spirits who cause sickness and death among human beings. Through secondary burial the bones of the dead person are recovered and made into amulets and body ornaments that attract the spirits of benevolent ancestors who will help and keep safe his living human relatives. The Ongees believe that the spirits of dead ancestors are attracted to the islands and, through a series of events, are transformed into the fetuses in human mothers. Thus the spirits of the ancestors become the children of the Ongees.” ref
“The Andaman Negritos are extremely primitive hunter-gatherers representing a prelithic stage of cultural development. They fall into two separate divisions, the Great Andamanese and the Onge-Jarawa-Sentinelese. As a result of colonization and the introduction of syphilis and other diseases, the Great Andamanese tribes have already become extinct; only a hybrid group of some twenty-eight individuals survives on a tiny islet called Strait Island. The Jarawa and the Sentinelese live in complete isolation and eschew all external contacts. Consequently, nothing is known about their religion. The remaining tribe, the Onge, lives on Little Andaman Island. The universe as conceived by the Onge is a multilayered structure with Little Andaman at its center. There are six layers above Little Andaman and six layers below, and each is inhabited by a different class of spirit. (Almost a form of clan totemism) These spirits are neither divine nor immaterial. They eat, drink, marry, multiply, and die just like human beings. The most important among them are the onkoboykwe, a class of benevolent spirit inhabiting the first layer above Little Andaman, and the eaka, a class of harmful spirit living immediately beneath the island. Above the Onge universe there is a limitless void and below there is Kwatannange, the primary sea, which is full of turtles.” ref
“The sun, moon, stars, and clouds are believed to be the creation of the onkoboykwe. The Onge do not personify and worship the heavenly bodies. There are two monsoons in the Andamans, the southwest and the northeast; spirits living in distant islands across the sea send the monsoonal winds. The Onge believe that one’s life after death depends on how a person has met his death. If he dies of illness, he becomes an eaka and goes below the earth. If an Onge is killed by a wild boar, by snakebite, or by a fall from a tree, he becomes an onkoboykwe and lives above the sky. If drowned, he becomes a sea spirit. The Onge hold that all non-Negrito people are the spirits of dead Onges. The term inene is collectively applied to them. In the event of death from illness, one day before the emergence of eaka from the dead body, another miniature human form called embekete comes out from the corpse and swims across the sea to the land of inene where he soon transforms himself into another inene. Thus, according to the Onge, we the outsiders were Onge in our previous birth. The belief in the existence of two spirits, embekete and eaka, in one individual probably emanated from their attempts to rationalize the origin of non-Negritos and find a place for them in their scheme of the universe. From the fragmentary data that are available on the religion of the Great Andamanese, it appears that they, like the Onge, believed in different classes of spirit living above the sky, below the earth, and in the sea. There is, however, an important difference between the Great Andamanese and the Onge. The former believed that the sun was the wife of the moon and that the stars were their children, whereas the Onge hold that the sun and the moon are flat, disc-shaped, inanimate things created by the onkoboykwe. Concepts of a superior spirit or high god, heaven and hell, virtue and sin, are conspicuously absent among the Andaman Negritos.” ref
Batek or Bateq people
(Taboo Totemism)
“It is a moral obligation for Batek to share food they have acquired. Normally the person who harvests the food item will first give to their immediate family, then their extended family, and finally the rest of the camp. If everyone is giving to everyone else, a family who is down on their luck will still have food to eat, although not as much as if they harvested it themselves. Since the hunting and butchering of meat causes a large amount of food to enter the camp at once, there is a more formal and ritualistic way of dividing it, for example with a monkey, first the members of the hunting party eat the offal and tail, because they cook the fastest, then the cooked meat is divided into about 13 parts, so that each family in the camp gets some, with the portions adjusted according to the size of the family.” ref
“The Batek do not consider this sharing of resources to be an act of kindness, they believe that all food items belong to the forest, so that the person who happens to be in possession of food has a moral obligation to share it. Since the dwellings are open, it is impossible to hoard food without others knowing about it. Since selfishness is prohibited, it would not be considered stealing for another member of the camp to take food away from someone who was hoarding, if the taker was hungry. They feel an obligation to give when they are asked for something. This feeling is reinforced by their belief that to refuse a request can cause super-natural harm to the person who was refused and by their knowledge that this will evoke the anger of the community at the offender. The Batek believe that if a requested favor is refused, the person who was turned down, will likely suffer misfortune, and when the misfortune happens everyone in the camp will be angry at the person who was unkind.” ref
“Parents may discipline children by warning them about tigers, strangers, or the thunder god that punishes people who violate religious prohibitions.” ref
Bajau Tawi or Sama-Bajau people
totemic spirits of animals and plants
Other objects of reverence are spirits known as umboh (“ancestor”, also variously spelled omboh, m’boh, mbo’, etc.). Traditionally, the umboh referred more specifically to ancestral spirits, different from the saitan (nature spirits) and the jinn (familiar spirits); some literature refers to all of them as umboh. These include Umboh Baliyu (the spirits of wind and storms), and Umboh Payi or Umboh Gandum (the spirits of the first rice harvest). They include totemic spirits of animals and plants, including Umboh Summut (totem of ants) and Umboh Kamun (totem of mantis shrimp).” ref
Tiwi people
Cian totemism & Totem poles
“Religious Beliefs. Tiwi religion focuses on ancestral spirits of those who have lived in the recent past and including those who, in “the Dreamtime,” created the land, sea, and all that is found within. The Catholic church is a strong and consistent element of daily life in Nguiu and Parlingimpi and to a lesser extent in Milikapiti. At the present time there is open acceptance of Tiwi ceremonial life by the church and church Members, although in the past this was not so. Ceremonies. The annual kulama yam ceremony is held near the end of the wet season (November-March). The three-day ritual involves the digging, preparation, cooking, and eating of the kulama type of wild yam. The yam symbolizes reproduction and maintenance of life, both human and nonhuman. Participants must, in addition to carrying out the preparation and cooking of the yams, compose and sing more than a dozen new songs throughout the three days. Other major ceremonies include the celebration of the transition of the living to the world of the dead. In connection with funeral rituals, elaborately carved and painted poles are commissioned and paid for by the close kin of the deceased, and for related activities painted bark baskets and spears are also manufactured. In the songs and dances of these ceremonies, historic and mythological events as well as contemporary events and problems (complaints or explanations) are remembered and marked. To both compose and understand the sung metaphoric poetic allusions to significant elements in Tiwi culture requires an extremely high level of verbal skill in the Tiwi language.” ref
Kinship
“Kin Groups and Descent. The matrilineal clan is a group whose members assume common descent from an ancestrally conceived group of unborn spirit beings located in clan-specific localities in or near a body of water. In the precolonial belief system, conception is accomplished when a father locates one of these unborn spirits and sends it to his wife, who must be of the same clan origin. Each clan is named and members of a clan provide physical, moral, and emotional support to fellow clan members in numerous and diverse situations. These clans are further grouped into four larger and exogamous groups. For each individual, two clans are significant: his or her own clan; and his or her father’s clan. It is among the latter clan group that one should seek a spouse. One’s father’s clan and the natural species with which it is affiliated is also considered to be one’s “Dreaming.” One’s Dreaming serves as inspiration for expressive ceremonial dances, songs, and art. In the social world of the Tiwi everyone is related.” ref
“Kinship Terminology. In the first ascending generation, one’s parent’s siblings of the same sex are classified with the parent, and their children (one’s parallel cousins) are classed with one and one’s siblings. One’s parent’s opposite-sex Siblings are distinguished from each other, as are their children (one’s cross cousins and potential spouses). One’s siblings are distinguished in several ways: first by gender and then by relative age. Further distinction is made for siblings who have the same father but whose mothers are of different clans. There are two further distinctions that are behaviorally Significant although unmarked by terminology. Aminiyati siblings are those who have the same (named) father’s father, and “one-granny” siblings are those who have the same (named) mother’s mother. Among the latter group there is strict avoidance between siblings of the opposite sex once sexual maturity is imminent, while the potentially much larger group, those who acknowledge a common grandfather, was in precolonial days the group of siblings that was largely responsible for the integrity of the countries.” ref
Marriage and Family
“Marriage. In precontact times—and in some cases today—marriages were arranged by a system of selecting a son-in-law for a young woman at the conclusion of her first-menstruation celebration. The young woman (who, in the past, would already have been married by this time) and her son-in-law are in a reciprocal relationship in which the son-in-law is obliged to “feed” his potential wife’s mother, providing her not only food but any goods and services she demands. In return he will receive as wives all daughters born to his mother-in-law prior to their sexual maturity. For each woman, this kind of marriage arrangement generally characterized her first marriage and also often her secondary Marriages to a deceased husband’s brother(s) through the Levirate. For the male, this form of marriage was often contracted for well past middle age, as it was the most prestigious and required considerable political acumen and accomplishment. Earlier marriages for men (after the age of 30 or more years) were most frequently to older women, widows of older brothers. Because a woman was usually married to a series of younger men, divorce rarely took place. Changes in the regulation of marriage have occurred since contact. While the actual cohabitation of a young girl with her promised husband is more frequently not taking place, such marriage contracts are still being made. In many of these cases the mother-inlaw/son-in-law relationship still follows the traditional pattern, and the marriage usually conforms to the societal preference for marrying someone in one’s father’s matrilineal clan—someone who falls into the category of acceptable potential spouses yet who is, at the same time, someone closer in age. There are, however, an increasing number of marriages of Tiwi to non-Tiwi Aboriginals of mixed (Asian or European) background.” ref
“Social Organization. The precontact social organization was characterized by the matrilineal clans and by the local groups affiliated with each country. In matrilineal clans, Leadership was largely ceremonial and was conferred according to seniority and competence among the males. Under the Country system of organization, some leaders in the past were men who achieved great prominence through arranging multiple (reportedly sometimes as many as a hundred) marriage contracts for themselves; they also were men whose domestic groups were very large and regionally influential. Such men also gained notoriety as ceremonial leaders in song, dance, and art.” ref
“Religious Beliefs. Tiwi religion focuses on ancestral spirits of those who have lived in the recent past and including those who, in “the Dreamtime,” created the land, sea, and all that is found within. The Catholic church is a strong and consistent element of daily life in Nguiu and Parlingimpi and to a lesser extent in Milikapiti. At the present time there is open acceptance of Tiwi ceremonial life by the church and church Members, although in the past this was not so. Other major ceremonies include the celebration of the transition of the living to the world of the dead. In connection with funeral rituals, elaborately carved and painted poles are commissioned and paid for by the close kin of the deceased, and for related activities painted bark baskets and spears are also manufactured. In the songs and dances of these ceremonies, historic and mythological events as well as contemporary events and problems (complaints or explanations) are remembered and marked. To both compose and understand the sung metaphoric poetic allusions to significant elements in Tiwi culture requires an extremely high level of verbal skill in the Tiwi language.” ref
Kinship
“The Tiwi come from a matrilineal descent group, which the Tiwi call “skin”. This group of “skin” believe pregnancy comes from spirits. The Tiwi believe these spirits are unborn, coming from bodies of water. This traditional belief system from the Tiwi explains how the man has no physical role in birth, but a male’s role is to find a spirit and uncover it, so that it is sent to the wife (Culture Sketches, 237). The kin clan must be the same for the spirit as the wife. All Tiwi members have a general kinship to each other. This is separated into “close” and “far away” kinship which refers to the distance geographically between the Tiwi people. A band unit which is smaller only rely on somebodies sex or marriage. This means people such as mother, father, or husband are considered your close kin (Culture Sketches, 238). Smaller units of bands that are dependent through one sex or one marriage only. Any person within this emblem are considered your close kin: Like mother, father, sister, & brother (Culture Sketches, 238). With this said, acceptance into Tiwi society is often very loose, with traditional Tiwi members naming newcomers in the society as “son” and “daughter” (Venbrux, 13). This is known as a “far away” kinship where other races were often still considered as outsiders to traditional Tiwi people (Culture Sketches, 238).” ref
Marriage
“Marriage roles of the Tiwi plays an important role for economic, social, and political status. The Tiwi consider marriage as a very important aspect of their livelihoods, as almost all people get married, especially women. Tiwi culture places great emphasis on the importance of marriage in women’s lives. Since both the men and women come from a matrilineal descent group, wives descent group is important. Remarriage of a widow is common for the traditional Tiwi, which allows the less promising hunters to be married. This is because widows have to remarry quickly, which had to be immediately after the husband dies. A marriage occurs at a gravesite of the previous husband, at the tomb (Culture Sketches, 238). Since the more promising husbands are usually claimed, older women often end up with younger, less experienced men (Culture Sketches, 239). Dancing or yoi as they call it, is a part of everyday life. Tiwi inherit their totemic dance, evocative of the dreamtime and which defines their spiritual identity from their father. Narrative dances are performed to depict everyday life or historical events. The land on both islands is heavily forested.” ref
Vedda people
Cian/ancestor totemism
“The Veddas practice a cult of the dead. They worshipped and made incantations to their Nae Yakka (Relative Spirit) followed by another customary ritual (called the Kiri Koraha) which is still in vogue among the surviving Gam Veddas of Rathugala, Pollebedda Dambana and the Henanigala Vedda re-settlement (in Mahaweli systems off Mahiyangane). They believed that the spirit of their dead would haunt them bringing forth diseases and calamity. To appease the dead spirit they invoke the blessings of the Nae Yakka and other spirits, like Bilinda Yakka, Kande Yakka followed by the dance ritual of the Kiri Koraha. According to Sarasin Cousins (in 1886) and Seligmann’s book – ‘The Veddas’ (1910). “When man or woman dies from sickness, the body is left in the cave or rock shelter where the death took place, the body is not washed or dressed or ornamented in any way, but is generally allowed to be in the natural supine position and is covered with leaves and branches. This was formerly the universal custom and still persists among the less sophisticated Veddas who sometimes in addition place a large stone upon the chest for which no reason could be given, this is observed at Sitala Wanniya (off Polle-bedda close to Maha Oya), where the body is still covered with branches and left where the death occurred.” ref
“Their religion was essentially a cult of the dead; ancestral spirits were believed to enter the bodies of shamans, through whom they communicated with their descendants.” ref
“Animism is the original religion of Veddas. The Sinhalized interior Veddahs follow a mix of animism and nominal Buddhism whereas the Tamilized east coast Veddahs follow a mix of animism and nominal Hinduism, known as folk Hinduism amongst anthropologists. One of the most distinctive features of Vedda religion is the worship of dead ancestors: these are termed “nae yaku” among the Sinhala-speaking Veddas. There are also peculiar deities that are unique to Veddas. One of them is “Kande Yakka”. Veddas along with the Island’s Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim communities venerate the temple complex situated at Kataragama, showing the syncretism that has evolved over 2,000 years of coexistence and assimilation. Kataragama is supposed to be the site at which the Hindu god Skanda or Murugan in Tamil met and married a local tribal girl, Valli, who in Sri Lanka is believed to have been a Vedda. There are a number of other shrines across the island, not as famous as Kataragama that are as sacred to the Veddas as well as to other communities. Veddha religion centred round a cult of ancestral spirits known as Ne yakku, whom the Veddhas invoked for game and yams.” ref
“The Veddha marriage ceremony is a very simple affair. The ritual consists of the bride tying a bark rope (diya lanuva) of her own twisting, around the waist of the bridegroom. This is the essence of the Veddha marriage and is symbolic of the bride’s acceptance of the man as her mate and life partner. Although marriage between cross-cousins was the norm until recently, this has changed significantly, with Veddha women even contracting marriages with their Sinhalese and Moor neighbours. In Veddha society, woman is in many respects man’s equal. She is entitled to similar inheritance. Monogamy is the general rule, though a widow would be frequently married by her husband’s brother as a means of support and consolation (widow inheritance). Death too is a simple affair without any ostentatious funeral ceremonies and the corpse of the deceased is promptly buried. Although that medical knowledge of the Veddha is limited, it nevertheless appears to be sufficient. For example, pythonesa oil (pimburu tel), a local remedy used for healing wounds, has proven to be very successful in the treatment of fractures and deep cuts.” ref
Burial
“Since the opening of colonisation schemes Veddha burials changed when they dug graves of about 4–5 feet in depth and left the body wrapped in some cloth and covered with leaves and earth. The Veddas also scooped the trunks of the Gadumba tree and laid the body between the scooped out wood planks and then buried. At the head of the grave were kept three open coconuts and a small bundle of wood, while at its foot were kept an opened coconut and an untouched coconut. Certain plants of the cactus species (pathok) were planted at the head of the grave, the middle, and the foot their personal possessions like the bow and arrow, betel pouch, were also buried. This practice varied according to the different communities of the aboriginal settlements. The contents of the betel pouch of the deceased were eaten after his death. In Vedda burial rituals the dead body was scented or smeared with some juice obtained from the leaves of jungle trees or a lime tree. The foot or the head of the grave was never lit either with fire or wax and water was not kept in a vessel by the grave side.” ref
Cult of the Dead
“The Veddas believe in the cult of the dead. They worshipped and made incantations to their Nae Yakka (Relative Spirit) followed by other customary ritual (called the Kiri Koraha) which is still in vogue among the surviving Gam Veddas of Rathugala, Pollebedda Dambana, and the Henanigala Vedda re-settlement (in Mahaweli systems off Mahiyangane). They believed that the spirit of their dead would haunt them bringing forth diseases and calamity. To appease the dead spirit they invoke the blessings of the Nae Yakka and other spirits, like Bilinda Yakka, Kande Yakka followed by the dance ritual of the Kiri Koraha. According to Sarasin Cousins (in 1886) and Seligmann’s book – ‘The Veddas’ (1910). “When man or woman dies from sickness, the body is left in the cave or rock shelter where the death took place, the body is not washed or dressed or ornamented in any way, but is generally allowed to be in the natural supine position and is covered with leaves and branches. This was formerly the universal custom and still persists among the less sophisticated Veddas who sometimes in addition place a large stone upon the chest for which no reason could be given, this is observed at Sitala Wanniya (off Polle-bedda close to Maha Oya), where the body is still covered with branches and left where the death occurred.” ref
Warlpiri or Walbiri people
Cian/ancestor and taboo totemism
“The ancestral heroes had designs on their bodies, which carried the life force and which are the designs that men and women reproduce in ceremony today to renew the life force by recreating the founding dramas of their world. In addition to the ancestral beings, mildly malevolent spirits called gugu are often invoked to keep children close to adults at night or away from areas where men are holding ceremonies. Mungamunga, female ancestral spirits, may appear to either men or women in dreams with new songs, dances, or designs. Large or permanent bodies of water are thought to harbor rainbow serpents that can be offended if proper precautions are not taken.” ref
Religious Practitioners. There is no separate class of religious practitioners since all adults play an active part in religious life. Nevertheless, some people are regarded as particularly knowledgeable about specific bodies of religious knowledge, usually manifested in the mastery of a large repertoire of songs relating to the deeds of particular ancestors. Art is central to Warlpiri religious life. The designs given to the people by the ancestors are principal elements of religious property, important in substantiating rights to land and essential to the reproduction of people and nature. Even more important than the designs are the songs commemorating the deeds of the heroic ancestors, which often run into the hundreds for particular lines of travel. Singing is essential for turning boys into men, curing the sick, easing childbirth, attacking enemies, ensuring fertility, and tapping the powers of the Dreaming. In addition to various styles of dancing, there is a huge range of religious sculpture that is dismantled immediately following the ceremony for which it was constructed.” ref
“Medicine. A number of older people, almost all of whom are men, are thought to have healing powers and are called upon to treat the sick, especially when the major problem is internal and has no obvious immediate cause. A wide range of herbal medicines is known to people throughout the community and still used from time to time.” ref
“Death and Afterlife. The individual personality dissolves with death but the spirit returns to the ancestral spirit world. Traditional practices surrounding death and disposal of the body have been modified more than most aspects of Warlpiri life. At death the house of the deceased, if of a temporary nature, is vacated and destroyed. In the past there was platform burial with disposal of the recovered bones in a termite mound. Nowadays people are buried in cemeteries, although recently some people have been buried back in their own home territories.” ref
“When discussing their religion, Warlpiri men and women invoke a key concept: the Jukurrpa. The Jukurrpa provides the Warlpiri with links to their ancestral past and land, as well as to their ancestors and to each other, reifying contemporary social relations and articulating omnipresent connections at the core of Warlpiri sense of identity (Dussart, 2000). A thorough grounding in the notion of Jukurrpa in all its iterations and contexts is necessary to understand the richness of Warlpiri ritual life. Jukurrpa has often been translated in English as “Dreaming,” “Dreamtime,” or “Ancestral Times” (Mulvaney, Morphy, and Petch, 1997), but these translations obscure rather than explain the richness of Warlpiri cosmology. Jukurrpa, as explained by contemporary Warlpiri, has five related distinct, and interrelated usages. Contrary to the simplified definitions appropriated by Western “spiritualists” in the 1990s, Jukurrpa refers first to an ancestral period during which the world was fashioned by Ancestral Beings who instituted social and religious orders for humans. Although Jukurrpa refers to a fictitious past, the Warlpiri maintain that it continues to exist in the present. According to an immutable law, when the Jukurrpa, which has always existed, manifested itself, the ground was flat and shapeless. Mythical heroes and heroines emerged from the earth, traveled around the countryside, performed marvelous acts, and continue to live in the Jukurrpa (Stanner, 1966, p. 266). Their travels transformed the shapeless ground into features (hills, watercourses, trees, and so on) and left behind them “ancestral powers.” Features in the landscape readily apparent are proof that the Jukurrpa is true (yijardu ) and that its essence is ever present.” ref
“The second usage is to designate the whole category of Ancestral Beings. The actions of these legendary beings, who emerged from the earth, shaped the landscape, and performed marvelous acts, are still reenacted by the Warlpiri in their ritual performances. Every spot visited became a sacred site and every sacred site became part of a specific Jukurrpa itinerary. Some Ancestral Beings remained near their place of emergence, while others traveled through territories that belong to neighboring Aboriginal groups. In their travels, Ancestral Beings left behind “life forces” (Peterson, 1969, p. 27). The Warlpiri identify three main kinds of life forces: kuruwarri, pirlirrpa, and kurruwalpa. The kuruwarri are the marks, signs, and designs mythical beings left behind, while the unseen aspect of the Jukurrpa is invoked by the use of the word pirlirrpa. Kuruwarri and pirlirrpa are complementary categories, with the former referring to the visible (and the latter to the invisible) traces of the Jukurrpa. Pirlirrpa, however, has a more specific application: to the “spirit” or “essence” of the individual, a spirit that enters via the semen of the father and the egg of the mother and that localizes itself in the two kidneys. Male and female elements are thus found in every individual. The pirlirrpa is believed to imbue people, Dreaming stories, and the ceremonies that invoke the Jukurrpa. It is the potency of pirlirrpa that guarantees the effectiveness of a ritual in the maintenance of the Jukurrpa.” ref
“The essence of the Jukurrpa, called kurruwalpa, is associated exclusively with the act of conception. Whereas the pirlirrpa is linked physically to the individual wherever that individual may be, the essence or spirits associated with conception are all site-specific. While a mother is walking along, a kurruwalpa will penetrate her—through the womb, foot, or navel—in a fashion that animates the fetus. When the kurruwalpa emerges, that particular site becomes known as the conception site of the soon-to-be-born child. Later on, the child will have special rights and ritual obligations over the site and the Ancestral Beings associated with it.” ref
“Even though it is often argued in anthropological literature that ancestors (i.e., deceased humans) and Ancestral Beings are fused indistinguishably, the actual relationships between ancestors (nyurnupatu ) and Ancestral Beings (Jukurrpa ) are far more complex. It is true that, while telling a Jukurrpa story, a Warlpiri person may refer to his or her deceased father as, say, “an Ancestral Emu” (Yankirri ), implying the Jukurrpa Ancestral Being of that name. Such reference is particularly common when the cosmologically constituted connection to that Being can strengthen the narrator’s ceremonial and territorial rights associated with the myth of a particular Ancestral Emu. This does not mean, however, that the deceased is instantly folded into, or immediately becomes one with, some larger cosmological force situated in the Jukurrpa. In point of fact, further interrogation reveals that at least two generational levels must exist between the deceased and a speaker for the former to merge fully with the Jukurrpa, a process of genealogical amnesia that transforms humans into Ancestral Beings.” ref
“The third sense of the Jukurrpa employs the term to denote specific narratives or Dreaming stories—as, for example, in the myth of an Ancestral Rain Being—such that not only the Being, but also the ngurrara (homes) it created in its travels are referred to as Ngapa Jukurrpa (Ancestral Rain Dreaming, or Rain Dreaming). Before returning to their site of emergence, Ancestral Beings may travel far, traversing many other homes (each portion of which represents a particular portion of the itinerary and a particular story) and many other countries owned and overseen by different kin groups, including many who are not Warlpiri. Other Ancestral Beings do not stray far from their site of emergence. The fourth usage refers to a specific segment of an ancestral itinerary at a given site and its vicinity. One or several songs, designs, and dance sequences are associated with a segment of a Dreaming, which are enacted during ritual ceremonies. The same basic elements of designs, songs, and dances performed by men and women are stylistically arranged according to age and gender that characterize a specific ritual activity.” ref
“Finally, Jukurrpa is used to refer to nocturnal dreams. When asleep, dreamers may have a dream in which they “see and hear” Ancestral Beings. If the dreamers can remember song(s) sung by the Ancestral Beings as they wake, their dreams, after thorough examination by Jukurrpa experts, are usually integrated within an existing Jukurrpa itinerary. It is through such dreams that the Warlpiri have learned about (and continue to learn about) the Jukurrpa. The Warlpiri maintain that nothing is new, but simply forgotten. The Jukurrpa is believed to be immutable, whereas the reality of life is that cosmology and religious order are dynamic.” ref
Ritual Management
“While the Jukurrpa has and will always be, humans in specific kin formations have the responsibility to reproduce and maintain it by enacting Dreaming stories in ritual performances as prescribed by the Ancestral Beings. Through the performance of ceremonies, the Warlpiri reaffirm their ties to the land, the Jukurrpa, and to one another. This is achieved following specific patterns of kinship—patterns that have been modified since sedentarization. Before being forced to settle, the Warlpiri lived a seminomadic life traveling in small groups of up to thirty relatives and in-laws (like most central Australian Aborigines). They camped for short or long periods of time with either spouse’s families, and they would gather in great numbers with other central desert Aborigines for ceremonial purposes. Ritual activities such as initiations and betrothals usually took place at specific sites along the itinerary evoked in performances orchestrated by groups of kin responsible for the area and the associated Jukurrpa. Since sedentarization, ceremonial performances tend to be performed near settlements.” ref
“Dreaming stories, sites, and associated rituals are owned and managed along complex lines of subsection and kinship association. The Warlpiri have an Arandic system of kin classification (first identified by Mervin J. Meggitt [1962]). The Warlpiri divide the world into two groups of people: those they are related to and those who are not their relatives. Relationships with kin may be actual (when both parents are shared), close (when they share one relative, even distant), or “classificatory” (when kinship ties are established through land and daily life). The basic egocentric distinctions of the Arandic system are grouped into a set of sociocentric terms known as subsections, which in turn are further grouped into patrilineal, matrilineal, and generational moieties. Each descent group is associated with one or other of the four patri-subsection couples used to identify patterns of land-ownership.” ref
“The basic structure of landownership, and by implication ritual transmission and social organization, is constituted along lines of patrilineal descent. A person’s patrimoiety is referred to as kirda, while the opposite patrimoiety is referred to as kurdungurlu. The real significance of kirda and kurdungurlu in the organization of religious life and land tenure derives from the more specific uses and the rights associated with them. Generally, a man or a woman inherit rights as kirda to more than one country and associated Jukurrpa. A kurdungurlu is a person who has inherited responsibilities through a matrilaterally traced interest. So each Warlpiri person has rights and responsibilities over countries and Dreamings as kirda and as kurdungurlu. However, acquisition of knowledge and responsibilities to act as kirda or kurdungurlu for sites and Jukurrpa acquired through classificatory kin associations is common and the result of residential alliances developed since forced sedentarization.” ref
“A kirda is often referred to in Aboriginal English as the “owner” of a Jukurrpa and its associated sites. Owners are responsible for the maintenance of the well-being of the land and its people by performing ritual ceremonies. The kurdungurlu is like a “manager” of a kirda ‘s Dreamings and associated sites and ritual performances. Reenactment of a Jukurrpa by kirda requires the surveillance and advice of kurdungurlu. The kirda-kurdungurlu relationship is, in theory, reciprocal, but in practice (and since sedentarization) this relationship is more often based on alliance rather than on descent. In all their discussions of landownership, Jukurrpa, and ceremonial responsibilities and rights, Warlpiri men and women explain how transmission lines to obtain and pass on religious knowledge in no way restrict the role of either gender in the inheritance or performance of that knowledge. While men and women are identified as kirda or as kurdungurlu for specific Dreamings and related sites, certain segments along the Jukurrpa geospecific itinerary may be shared by both genders, while others are exclusively enacted in men- or women-only performances.” ref
Ceremonies
“The Jukurrpa is primarily maintained through the singing, dancing, and painting performed during land-based ceremonies. By enacting their Dreaming stories, Warlpiri men and women resolve conflicts, maintain and restore the health of the land and all that live on it, and uphold their ties to the land, to their ancestors, and to one another. In theory, kirda and kurdungurlu should never be negligent. If they do not enact their Jukurrpa correctly (junga ) not only the land may become ill, but the people, animals, flora, and resources attached to it are put at risk as well. As one important Yuendumu ritual leader, who passed away and thus cannot be named, explained “if you do not care for country, that country will simply die. We cannot forget our Jukurrpa [and our obligations to it].” ref
“Colonial and postcolonial forces have irrevocably changed Warlpiri ritual activities. A number of ceremonies have disappeared, and others have been altered. Regardless, initiation ceremonies with plural motives—such as male circumcision and betrothal, men- and women-only ceremonies, ceremonial cycles performed by both men and women, and rituals surrounding conception, death, love songs, and curing—now form the core of Warlpiri religious activity. Some of these performances may last weeks, while others are performed in less than half a day. Ritual cycles tend to occur during a specific time of the year, such as during the wet season, which also coincides with Western-style holidays; adults and children are able to participate in these long initiation ceremonies. Other ceremonies, such as women-only performances called yawulyu, may occur throughout the year. Three main distinctions are generally made when identifying who can participate, orchestrate, and witness ritual activities. These distinctions are defined by three ceremonial events: tarruku, wiri, and warraja.” ref
“Tarruku events are considered dangerous, potent, and powerful. Only the most senior persons knowledgeable in the specific segments of a Jukurrpa can orchestrate tarruku performances. Tarruku events associated with male initiation cannot be witnessed by women, though senior women are aware of their content and purposes. Others, such as wiri, can take place during ceremonies orchestrated by initiated men and enacted by both men and women. Wiri performances are considered potent but not as dangerous as tarruku events. Senior Warlpiri men and women use the term warraja to refer to ritual events open to all: initiated, noninitiated, non-Warlpiri, and non-Aboriginal people. Warraja events are public but remain imbued with the potency of the Jukurrpa. These events may be performed by men or women or both. As in all typologies, the ones for tarruku, wiri, and warraja are at best truncated. Explanations of ritual activities and terms employed to categorize them are done by specific persons for a specific audience. For example, a person who has not been given the rights to sing and dance in ritual activities because of his or her age could use tarruku to designate all ceremonies performed by the senior Aborigines. In brief, many religious Warlpiri terms, such as tarruku, wiri, and warraja, are imbued with supplemental meanings according to the ritual status, age, and gender of who uses them and in front of whom they are used.” ref
“Even though Warlpiri men and women unfailingly maintain that the Jukurrpa has not changed, they readily admit that their ritual repertoire has undergone transformation since forced sedentarization. Biomedical Western practices have reduced the frequency of birth and health-curing rituals. The performances of love and sorcery rituals, which increased in the early years of sedentarization, are now in decline. While certain ritual activities have faded away, some have been modified and others added to the religious repertoire. Inter-Aboriginal ceremonial cycles described as tarruku and wiri (which cannot be described here) and warraja have been organized since settled life. Creolized ceremonies blending elements of Christianity and Warlpiri religion have emerged and have had a measured impact on Warlpiri ritual life as a whole). Regardless, even though ritual repertoires may be smaller and the duration of performative events are shorter, the vitality of and the importance of the Jukurrpa has retained its intensity. Initiation and conflict-resolution rituals continue to be regularly performed, as they play crucial roles in the production of Warlpiri identity in neocolonial Australia. These ceremonies are usually enacted during school breaks and near settlements to maximize participation and valorize the importance of such events.” ref
Ritual Performances
“There are two main groups of ceremonial performances. The first set is associated with rites of passage (initiation, betrothal, and death), and the second includes performances outside elemental ones connected to the cosmological construction of Warlpiri identity. The main ritual cycle linked to initiation is called kurdiji. This is a ritual in which men and women perform gender-specific and joint ceremonies and that marks the first stage of a boy’s initiation into manhood through the act of circumcision. Warlpiri boys have to undergo this procedure, which is restricted to men when they are between twelve and fifteen years old. It is during kurdiji that preferred marital associations are sealed between the initiand’s family and the future spouse’s family, whether the future wife is born or not. After the circumcision of their first son, mothers, if they wish, will be able to begin their ritual career. Mothers give away their sons; sisters dance so their brothers enter manhood; fathers, mothers’ brothers, and future in-laws seal their newly articulated kin and spiritual responsibilities. After kurdiji ceremonies, both male and female participants have acquired sets of kinship obligations as well as spiritual responsibilities.” ref
“The young circumcised men, aided by their relatives, will have to go through other initiation ceremonies to be able to participate fully in their thirties in the ritual life of their settlement. The second stage of initiation is called kajirri and kankarlu, or “high school” in Aboriginal English (Meggitt, 1966; Peterson, 1970). Kajirri is associated with a set of Dreaming itineraries and kankarlu with others. Young men will be initiated in one or both of these cycles. Their participation will be predicated on their associations with the Jukurrpa itineraries evoked, the timing of the events, and their availability. Kajirri and kankarlu require planning on a grand scale because they demand the participation of Aboriginal people outside Warlpiri territory. They are usually performed only once every few years, and young men in their late teens are strongly encouraged to participate to further their understanding of their Jukurrpa and their responsibilities to the land and their ancestors, and to undergo other genital transformation. Young men who have undergone the initiation ceremonies of kurdiji and kajirri (or its variant, kankarlu ) can be subincised, a highly restricted surgical intervention. Senior men and women active in ritual life participate in initiation ceremonies and perform gender-specific ceremonies in which they reenact restricted versions of Dreaming stories. Kinship ties among Warlpiri and other Aboriginal families are cemented and reaffirmed during kajirri and kankarlu events, prompting participants to perform other rituals together.” ref
“There are no marriage ceremonies among the Warlpiri, unless future spouses get married in a church as Christians. Betrothal takes place during initiation ceremonies. The ceremonies marking a person’s death are called malamala, or “sorry business” in Aboriginal English. Malamala ceremonies are performed by a dead person’s relatives. Widows, mothers, and mothers-in-law go to a “sorry camp,” where they are placed under a speech taboo that can last from several weeks to several months (Kendon, 1988). Men conduct “sorry business” but are not put under a speech taboo. Male relatives self-inflict wounds to their bodies to show their sorrow at the loss of their relative. The name of the deceased as well as all words sounding the same are placed under a speech taboo. All individuals sharing the name of the deceased or something that sounds similar are subsequently identified as kumanjayi, or “no name” (Nash and Simpson, 1981). All performances of the Jukurrpa associated with the deceased are suspended until proper “finishing-time” rituals are conducted to lift the various bans imposed after death. With death, the pirlirrpa, or “essence of the individual,” enters a liminal state identified as yama or marnparrpa. Since Warlpiri do not regard death as “natural,” male relatives conduct a ritual in which they accuse various individuals of neglectful and malign actions that led to the death of their relative.” ref
“Every place and object owned by the deceased is put under taboo, and the ground where he or she walked has to be swept to ensure that the spirit of the deceased does not remain among the living. Plagued with social problems and deadly diseases, the Warlpiri are involved in malamala almost on a monthly basis. At the “finish-time” ceremonies, women are relieved from their speech taboo and other restrictions on remarriages are lifted, as is the ban on enacting the itineraries of the Jukurrpa associated with the deceased. Other individuals bearing the name of the deceased can resume the use of the name. The “finish-time” event can take place a few months or many years after the death of the individual whose country is “opened up” again. This process of reintegration has wide-ranging implications, offering insight into the relationship between the living, the dead, and the Ancestral Beings.” ref
“The second set of rituals mentioned earlier are the following ceremonial cycles: jardiwanpa, kura-kurra, ngajikula, and puluwanti. These are undertaken jointly by senior men and women. These four ceremonial cycles are distinguished by the Ancestral Beings they invoke. Most of the ceremonies are restricted, except for the last night of the cycles when the initiated, both young and old, are engaged in the final steps of conflict resolution. These ceremonial cycles contain a great deal of intra- and intersettlement importance, and their highly valued content is regularly exchanged with neighboring Aboriginal groups. Since sedentarization, there has been a steady decrease of public performances called purlapa. Purlapa events are performed only by men and, like most public performances, they proclaim the richness of the Jukurrpa beyond the settlement, circulate ritual knowledge, and in the process sustain if not revivify social networks. In this sense, public performance simultaneously functions as a mirror and a projector of Warlpiri culture. Today, women’s public rituals called yawulyu play such roles. The transfer of performative responsibility reflects more than the mutability of Warlpiri ceremonial life under postcolonial pressures, as it underscores the gender-specific methods by which sedentarized Warlpiri kin groups sustain their religion and their prestige within and beyond the confines of their settlements.” ref
“Yawulyu rituals are only performed by women. These ceremonies can be either restricted or public, and they have plural functions. In their yawulyu ceremonies, women enact the myths for which they are kirda assisted by their kurdungurlu, and most of them are performed in the settlements where the participants live. Yawulyu are performed to enhance women’s knowledge of the Jukurrpa, sexuality, fertility, well-being, and physical and spiritual growth, as well as to educate non-Aboriginal peoples about the importance of the land and the Jukurrpa. Through the performance of public yawulyu ceremonies, Warlpiri women have come to play crucial roles as gatekeepers of Warlpiri identity beyond the confines of the settlement. Church purlapa is the Aboriginal English term used for creolized performances merging some components of Christian and Warlpiri religions. Only formally constituted in the late 1970s, church purlapa are performed by both men and women. Missionaries representing various branches of the Christian church have long struggled to convert the Warlpiri and have had a small but noticeable impact within certain settlements.” ref
Conclusion
“Despite colonial and postcolonial pressure, the Jukurrpa as a cultural form continues to provide a fundamental structure to the lives of the Warlpiri people. The Jukurrpa cannot change and gives to Warlpiri men and women feelings of continuity in a world of uncertainty. In their enactment of Jukurrpa itineraries, the Warlpiri reaffirm their ties to their lands, their ancestors, themselves, and other Aboriginal people. Even though the frequency of ceremonial performances has diminished and the length and site of performances modified, the power of the Jukurrpa remains strong. Through their ritual activities, Warlpiri participants demonstrate the importance of the Jukurrpa and their land to the world at large.” ref
“Warlpiris divide their relatives, and by extension the entire population, into eight named groups or subsections. These subsections are related to kinship, and determine one’s family rights and obligations. The following is a brief sketch of how the subsection system relates to genealogy. The subsections are divided into four semi-patrimoieties, each consisting of two subsections. One always belongs to the same semi-patrimoiety as one’s father, but to the opposite subsection, so that men in a patriline will alternate between those two subsections. The subsections are also divided into two matrimoieties, each consisting of four subsections. One always belongs to the same matrimoiety as one’s mother, and women in a matriline will cycle through the four subsections of that matrimoiety. The two subsections in a semi-patrimoiety always belong to opposite matrimoieties, and similarly, the four subsections of each matrimoiety are distributed among the four semi-patrimoieties. Each subsection is uniquely determined by which semi-patrimoiety and which matrimoiety it belongs to.” ref
“Female lines of descent in the two matrimoieties cycle through the semi-patrimoieties in opposite directions. The result is that one’s mother’s father’s mother’s father (MFMF) is of the same subsection as oneself. Siblings always belong to the same subsection. It follows from these rules that one must choose one’s spouse from a particular subsection, and traditional Warlpiri disapprove of marriages that break this constraint. The correct subsection to marry from is that of one’s maternal grandfather (though of course one seeks a spouse closer to one’s own age).” ref
“The subsection system underlies all of traditional Warlpiri society, determining how Warlpiris address and regard each other. Two members of the same subsection refer to each other as siblings, whether or not they actually have the same parent. Men in the same subsection as one’s father (for example, one’s father’s male siblings) are called “father”, and this practice is often followed even when Warlpiris speak English. In the same way, most of the kinship terms in the Warlpiri language actually refer to subsection (or classificatory) relationships, not to literal genetic relationships. Traditionally, the first thing one Warlpiri wants to know about another is their subsection. Warlpiris often address each other by subsection name rather than by personal name, and incorporate their subsection name into their English one, usually as a middle name. When Warlpiris marry Europeans, they tend to extend the subsection system to their inlaws, starting with the assumption that the European spouse is of the correct subsection. Rather distant European relatives may find themselves classified as honorary uncles, nieces, grandparents, and so on. Warlpiris will then try to make sure that further marriages with related Europeans will adhere to the marriage constraint. The traditional taboo against familiarity between a man and his mother-in-law extends automatically to any man and woman whose subsections are those of man and mother-in-law.” ref
“The subsection system automatically prevents incest between siblings and any relatives closer than cousins. Cousins that are children of classificatory siblings (who may, by definition, also happen to be true siblings) of the same sex are themselves classificatory siblings, and may not marry; but children of classificatory siblings of the opposite sex are of the appropriate subsections for marriage, and marriage between so-called cross cousins is actually encouraged in traditional society. Where a couple are not merely classificatory cross-cousins but are true cross-cousins (i.e. their parents are actual siblings), marriage is generally frowned upon. The eight subsections are interrelated in a pattern known in group theory as the order 8 dihedral group, D4. If a Warlpiri has a second choice marriage, then any children they have take on two skin names: first, the skin name they would have adopted had the marriage been first choice; second, the skin name the second choice marriage implied. When asked what their skin name is, they often reply with the former, but may also additionally use the latter. (Observation made from a discussion with a young ‘Japananga-Jupurulla’.) In Warlpiri culture, widows are not forced to remarry and are a very important part of society.” ref
